Journals of John Forbes: Journal 8
Information
Title - Journals of John Forbes: Journal 8
Record type - Archive
Original Reference - RHS/Col/3/1/8
Date - 12 Feb-1 Apr 1823
Scope & content - John Forbes' travel journal, 12 Feb-1 Apr 1823, covering the journey in Mozambique and South Africa
Overview of contents:
Pages 1-65: Narrative of travel, 12 Feb-1 Apr 1823
Pages 66-86: Blank
Physical description: Bound in soft paper covers marbled in red/brown shell pattern with blue veins. Labelled 'Duplicate Journal, February 12 1823 to April 1 1823'. The binding is intact and reasonably robust. Pages are reasonably robust. Fragile. Handle with care. Dimensions: 31.5 (h) x 20 (w) cm
This journal may have been Forbes' original journal, with his own pencil annotations. For another version of the entries for 12 Feb-15 Mar 1823, see RHS/Col/3/1/6; and for another version of the entries for 15 Mar-1 Apr 1823, see RHS/Col/3/1/6
The volume is written in Forbes' hand, on rectos only. Annotated in pencil and in ink (annotations by Forbes, unless otherwise indicated), with marginal and interlinear annotations, annotations on the blank verso pages, corrections and crossings out. The more substantial annotations have been included and identified in the description, whilst minor alterations of spelling or phrasing have not been noted
The journal contains headings with locations
The volume was paginated on the upper right-hand corner of rectos during cataloguing
Summary of contents:
Heading on flyleaf 'East Coast of Africa. Forbes'
(12 Feb 1823) Reaching Mafamale [Ilha de Mafamede, Mozambique]. This small island being one of a chain or a group of islands lying along the coast from latitude 16° to 17.5°S, including the Angoxa group [Angoche Island, Mozambique], several small, low, sandy islands off the mouth of a river by the same name. Mafamale being the most northerly island, located at latitude 16°25'00''S and longitude 39°46'43''E, about a quarter of a mile long and about 200 yards at its broadest part, of an irregular triangular shape, surrounded by coral reefs except on the north-west side, where the ship landed. The reefs extending for two and a half miles under the sea from the southernmost point towards the south-east and a mile from the northernmost point, with the longest part being from the south-east to the north-west. The origin or base of the island seemingly coral, now raised above the water by 10 or 12 feet, with broken particles of shells washed on to the sand by the tides and currents. The island being covered with trees of Casuarina africana [Casuarina equisetifolia], 'which seem to be quite in their element', growing up to 50 feet high and perfectly straight: 'they have a very graceful appearance and at a distance look like a group of fir trees'. The surface of the island 'run over' with the Convolvulus maritimus [Calystegia soldanella] ('equally fond of this kind of earth')
Finding a 'very elegant' plant (specimen 1), with a corymb of scarlet flowers. Finding bulbous plants of the natural order Asphodelae [Asphodelaceae] (specimen 5) 'in great abundance'. Many beautiful shells and elegant specimens of coral to collect from the island, time permitting, 'as also turtle, by sending a party on shore at night to catch them when they land to deposit their eggs'. Seeing a turtle in the water from the ship and seeing the remains of several on shore, 'probably brought here or rather caught by the Arabs, who come here occasionally to pay their devotions to a tomb situated in the centre of the island with an Arabic inscription on it [annotated: 'they ['they' crossed out and 'Arabs who visit this tomb' added] are the coast traders who come to Angoche [Angoche Island, Mozambique] for traffic']. This tomb or grave is merely two or rather three headstones that have had a shade of palm leaves built over them, but this shade was blown down at the time we visited the island' [crossed out: 'Ilha de Mafimale signifies Mohamet's Island']
(13 Feb 1823) Continuing along the coast, surveying the Islands of Angoxa [Angoche]. The coast low, sandy and barren. Seeing a vessel ahead, finding it afterwards to be the Barracouta. A heavy squall at 2pm. Anchoring and furling the sails. A heavy thunder storm with torrents of rain. Squalls seemingly very common in the monsoon period. Coming in sight of the Island of Raza or Level Island [Ilha Epidendro, Mozambique], with a sandbank nearby
(14 Feb 1823) At dawn, Captain Owen [William FitzWilliam Owen, captain of HMS Leven] ordering a boat for Forbes to be sent to the Island of Raza [Ilha Epidendro] to examine it and collect plants. Landing soon after 6am. The island different in its origin and vegetation to Ilha Mafimale [Ilha de Mafamede], seemingly with 'primitive rocks of granite for its foundation', and four times as large. The soil similar, but with more varied and dense vegetation, 'so much so as to be quite impenetrable'
Finding a 'splendid and elegant' Epidendrum (specimen 1 in jar 2, case 2) growing on the trunk and branches of decaying trees, 'forming a beautiful umbel of large, magnificent, white flowers'. Finding the plant both with its roots in the earth and on the trees, but only flowering on the trees. Seeing no traces of inhabitation, except some temporary huts, seemingly built by occasional visitors 'to procure turtle'. A coral reef extending for two or three miles out to sea. Landing on the south-west side, with three and four fathoms of water for a quarter of a mile, with coral bottom and a steep beach and occasional heavy surf. Anchoring by the Barracouta in the afternoon. Lieutenant Vidal [Alexander Vidal, first lieutenant, later captain of HMS Barracouta] coming on board the Leven to compare notes 'previous to our leaving the coast for the Europa Rocks [Europa Island]'
(15 Feb 1823) Weighing anchor at dawn. Sailing towards the Europa Rocks [Europa Island]. Encountering several light squalls. Seeing several land birds around the ship towards the evening, including swallows, bee-eaters and flycatchers, occasionally perching on the rigging. Catching several bats, 'not only today but a day or two previous, and after this date', apparently a variety of Vespertilio cephalotes [Nyctimene cephalotes]
(16 Feb 1823) Seeing several land birds and bats around the ship. Seeing some sea birds, including boobies (Pelicanus fiber) [?Sula leucogaster], a rare occurrence: 'a vessel may sail for days together and not observe one, so different is it to the sea between the continent of Africa and America in the same parallel of latitude, where almost hundreds of birds are to be seen at any time from the ship'. Seeing 'stuff [crossed out and replaced with 'small particles']' floating on the surface of the water, appearing from a distance like froth caused by the currents: 'on taking some of it up in a bucket, it proved to be animalculae [microscopic animals], or more properly animalculae in embryo', consisting of small particles 'of a spear-like shape, composed of fine thready fibres, irregularly cut at the thick end, about 1/10 of an inch long & half a line in circumference, the slightest touch crushed it into a consistency like blue grease'. Sailing through it for several days
(17 Feb 1823) Coming in sight of Europa Rocks [Europa Island] at 9am, their appearance 'most awful and frightful'. The rocks being six or seven miles [annotated in pencil: 'some say 13 or 14 miles in this direction'] in south-easterly and north-westerly direction, barely rising above the water, with a 'tremendous heavy break continually rolling over them'. The island appearing from the masthead like a basin surrounded by a reef or chain of coral rocks, with the water inside the basin smooth and green, forming a striking contrast to the white foaming breakers surrounding it
Presumably many vessels having been wrecked 'on this dreadful spot', with 'nothing but inevitable destruction' awaiting any unfortunates stranded on the 'frightful reef, and death the only hope of the crew, either protracted by a miserable existence or to punish on the spot'
The distance to the nearest land making it unlikely to be reachable by a [rowing] boat [crossed out: 'and even if they should, the ferocious and treacherous disposition of the inhabitants of the adjacent countries makes it almost doubtful whether it would not have been better for them to perish on the spot, than to have to die by the hand of savages or what is still worse, to drag out a wretched existence under the brutal treatment of these unfeeling and cruel monsters'. Crossed out and annotated: 'We have seen nothing in the character of the surrounding people on the coast of Africa and Madagascar that can justify these reflections']. Latitude 21°28'30''S, longitude 39°30'E [crossed out: 39°39''00, 40°38'00] of Greenwich and 1°W of Mozambique [annotated in pencil: 'This longitude is 19 miles west of Captain Huddart, vid 'Quest' [Joseph Huddart, British hydrographer, who wrote 'The Oriental Navigator, Or, New Directions for Sailing to and from the East Indies', 1801]
(18 Feb 1823) [Seeing] the island known as Bassas do Judea or the Shoal of the Jewess by the Portuguese, or Bassas de India by the English [annotated: 'a mere corruption of the Portuguese word Judea into India'] [Baixo da Judia or Bassas da India, French Southern and Antarctic Lands]. The island being six or seven miles in length and breadth, with a reef extending out from the north-eastern end. The island covered with shrubs and some trees, with three or four hummocks, the highest about 40 or 50 feet above sea level, and a white sandy beach around it.
Seeing more sea birds than on the whole passage around Madagascar, mainly boobies (Pelecanus fiber) [?Sula leucogaster], 'frigate birds of the lesser species (Pelecanus minor?) [great frigatebird, Fregata minor]', Phaethon aethereus, 'the tropic bird' and some species of fern (Sterna). Shooting several birds, 'but falling over board we could not obtain them, except one frigate bird'. William Owen having been informed by a whale ship that the island had plenty of turtles on it: 'no doubt it would be a fine field for the conchologist, as well as the botanist'. The earth seemingly sandy, and Forbes' regret at not being able to land on the island to examine it for its interesting geographical location. Seeing the remains of a vessel wrecked, lying above the high tide. The island uninhabited. Latitude 22°16'08''S, longitude between 40°22'00''E and 40°14'E of Greenwich, or from 17° to 25°W of Mozambique
(20 Feb 1823) Anchoring at sunset off the largest of the Bazaroota Islands [Bazaruto Island, Mozambique] on the east coast of Africa. From the anchorage on the north-eastern side, the island appearing to be a high ridge or sand hills with very few scattered shrubs. The land likely to be more fertile than it seemed. Numerous inhabitants, and 'a pearl fishery here carried on by the natives, who trade with the Portuguese from Mozambique ['Mozambique' crossed out and replaced with 'Inhamban [Inhambane, Mozambique] by land. They are shy of ships, it having formerly been the practice to kidnap them']. William Owen commencing the survey of the coast, low with a ridge of low sand hills parallel with the coast
(25 Feb 1823) Off Cape Corrientes or Current Cape [Cape Correntes, Mozambique], named after the 'great current that is said to set round it to the south & westward the greater part of the year' [Mozambique Current]. Avoiding the current here, with stronger currents southward of the Coast of Natal [KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa] and the Cape of Good Hope [South Africa], as well as at the other end of the Mozambique Channel around the Comora Islands [Comoro Islands, Union of the Comoros], where currents flowed at the rate of two and a half or three miles an hour. Finding the currents at Cape Correntes only one mile per hour, or none at all. The land much higher than further north, presenting a bluff front to the sea with hills 500-600 feet high
Continuing to survey until 28 Feb, reaching near the entrance of Delagoa Bay [Maputo Bay, Mozambique]: 'there is nothing particularly striking or interesting in this coast, but the same barren sand hills', partially covered with shrubs, the land in some places barren, in others more fertile. Seeing 'huts & some natives'. Passing the mouths of several rivers, Inhampura or Gold River [Limpopo River, Mozambique], 'two others not named, or Lake River of the Portuguese & Rio Lagoa'. The Inhampura appearing of 'considerable magnitude', with the water from it retaining its red soil colour in the rainy season [annotated: 'the River Zavara has no existence. Inhampura is marked as having two mouths and was called by the Portuguese Rio D'Ouro or Gold River, & the Maneesse or King George River [Komati River, Mozambique, South Africa and Swaziland], was called by them Rio d'Prata or Silver River, and between Cape Correntes and the latter there are only two rivers flowing into the sea, whether from the same source or not, we cannot decide. The River Lagoa as marked in the charts seems to be but a lake, which opens away to the sea [...], where at three miles' distance from our masthead we could not see any stream']. Seeing many turtles off the mouths of the rivers and along the coast
(28 Feb 1823) Having surveyed the coast to the north-east entrance of Delagoa Bay [Maputo Bay], steering off the coast southward to clear the bar formed by the Meneice or King George's River [Komati River], that part of the bay being very shallow with heavy breakers over the bar. A cloudy day with squalls. Crossing the bar, with St Mary's Island [Ilha da Inhaca, Mozambique] 'and other marks' in sight. Anchoring at 5pm in the bay, seven miles from Shefean Island [Ilhas Xefina, Mozambique]
(1 Mar 1823) Weighing anchor at 5am. Sailing to the anchorage in English River [Estuario do Espirito Santo, Mozambique]. Sailing around Reuben Point [Ponta Vermelha, Mozambique], seeing three vessels at anchor, two small coasters and the tender Cockburn, which had been left behind to survey the Mapoota River [Maputo River, South Africa, Swaziland and Mozambique] and Delagoa Bay [Maputo Bay]: 'everyone was anxious to hear the fate of the people left in her'. Receiving no response to a signal made to send a boat
Sending a boat to the Cockburn, it returning 'with the melancholy information that they were all either dead or sick, and unable to answer the signal in either one shape or other'. The officer in the boat finding the ship in charge of a junior midshipman, sick in bed with another sick man, the other survivors, Lieutenant Owen [Richard Owen, lieutenant on HMS Leven and commander of the Cockburn] and Mr Henderson [Benjamin Henderson, midshipman on HMS Leven] being on shore, 'the latter of these gentlemen very dangerous & who died a few days after'. Three sick men on shore, Lieutenant Antonio Pedro Texeira [Antonio Pedro Texeira, Portuguese governor at Lourenco Marques, the Portuguese fort] having taken the officers and the supercargo [a person employed on board a vessel by the owner of cargo carried on the ship] off one of the other vessels into his own house, providing the patients 'with as comfortable a room as the place afforded'. Of the six officers on the Cockburn, only two remaining
The assistant surgeon [John Buchannan, assistant surgeon on HMS Barracouta] having died first at the Maputo River, then the three midshipmen, Mr Hood [George Hood, midshipman on HMS Barracouta] ('a young man of very good abilities, and left here to assist Lieutenant Owen [Richard Owen] in the surveying department'), Mr Joice [Joyce, midshipman on HMS Barracouta] and Henderson. 'It was not until ['until' crossed out and replaced with 'before'] they went up the Mapoota [Maputo River] that their sickness commenced, during which time ['that their […]' crossed out and replaced with 'they had two men died, only one of which was of fever']. Up the river, seven men falling ill within a day, including the surgeon, Mr Conolly [Thomas Connolly, assistant surgeon on HMS Leven] [crossed out: 'who died there'. Conolly died on return to the ship on 26 Jan]. Reaching Maputo Bay, the majority of the staff incapable of performing their duty: 'consequently Lieutenant Owen [Richard Owen] could not go to sea according to the orders left him by Captain Owen [William Owen] on the first appearance of fever', having therefore to wait for the arrival of the Leven. The Cockburn did not go up the river until early January, previous to which they had only one case of fever: 'it is only by being on shore at night, or in boats confined by the banks of a narrow river, that the infection is caught'. The other two vessels being in a similar state to the Cockburn, having both been up the Maputo River trading for ivory and rhinoceros' horns
Going on shore in the afternoon. Collecting several plants, not in flower or fruit when previously anchored in the same location: 'indeed the vegetation had altogether a much more rich and luxuriant appearance than it had when we left this in November last'. The land now covered with Indian corn [flint corn], millet grass and sweet potatoes. Low land, previously dry, now swampy and planted with rice. Trees previously without leaf now covered with rich foliage, with hardly a day having passed without rain in the three ['three' crossed out and replaced with 'last'] months. Bringing the sick men on shore on board the Leven in the evening after the heat of the day had passed
(2 Mar 1823) William Owen being informed that the Portuguese had placed soldiers on board one of the vessels ('she being English'), and taken all the ivory and the rest of the cargo, as well as documents, on shore to the fort. Owen going on shore to demand restitution, and to order everything to be returned on board the ship in the same order within 24 hours and the guard removed. Informing them that 'if this conduct was repeated while he remained on this coast, it would most assuredly bring down that justice, which such mercenary proceedings so richly merit from an insulted British flag'. The Portuguese governor complying, 'although at the time he attempted to make several excuses, and to exonerate himself by saying he did it to prevent the blacks from stealing it, but why take the articles on shore to guard them, could he not have protected them as well and let them remain on board?'. The governor saying that he had acted on instructions from the governor of Mozambique. 'That similar proceedings have been adopted by the Portuguese and permitted by the other European powers at the different parts along this coast is well known, but by what authority or right is a question not easy answered'
The only places on the coast 'that actually belong to the Portuguese' being the Island of Mozambique and the captaincy [administrative division of Spanish and Portuguese colonies] of Rios de Senna [Portuguese colony with the approximate borders of the Sofala province, Mozambique]: 'the other ports at which they have forts for the protection of their factories and the better command of the trade, do not any of them belong to them, and are only held by sufferance from the native kings or chiefs to whom they pay an annual tribute'. The Portuguese placing soldiers on board landing vessels to prevent them from trading with the local people, 'in order that they may more effectually usurp the commerce to themselves, or at least become the channel through which every article of traffic must pass'. The Portuguese having settlements or residents in different locations from 12° to 26°S latitude, the Querimba Isles [Quirimbas Islands] being their northernmost settlement and Delagoa Bay [Maputo Bay] their limit to the south, with Inhamban [Inhambane], Sofala [Mozambique], Quilimane [Quelimane, Mozambique], [crossed out: 'Angoxa [Angoche]'], Mozambique [Island of Mozambique] and Oiba [Ibo, Quirimbas Islands] in between being controlled by them. The trade on the coast 'does not seem to be either of great extent or much importance to any nation under present circumstances', with the Kingdom of Portugal benefiting little: 'it seems to be held by her more for the sake of increasing her patronage, and enabling her to find places and the means of enriching a few individuals, than for any benefit the nation at large derives from these possessions or this commerce' [annotated: 'the governor of Mozambique is the only one on this coast appointed immediately from Portugal, all the others are nominated by him and of course are amenable to him. His pay depends chiefly on trade and that of the others entirely on it, consequently they become the greatest merchants, & possessing the most extensive means, at the respective places to which they are appointed; and as they are recalled every three years, their sole object is to acquire as much money as possible in this time, without any regard for the honour or interest of their country, the welfare of the colony, or the fate of their successor: and frequently have recourse to the most paltry and degrading means of amassing wealth']
'The most extensive and profitable branch of trade carried on on this coast is in slaves and wherever this abominable traffic is tolerated, the wealth of not only the nation which carries it on, but the kingdom or kingdoms from which these slaves are obtained, must be lessened and ultimately destroyed'. Legislation being planned ('to the honor of British legislation be it said'), according to which 'Portugal will not be permitted to carry on this monstrous dealing in human flesh, and the poor African will no longer be encouraged to make war with his brother to make him a prisoner and by selling his person to obtain for himself a few false riches, and to satisfy the avarice of greedy Europeans, but to direct his attention to the more substantial sources of wealth, peace, agriculture and commerce [Portugal was forced to pass a decree in 1836 abolishing slave trading, although the practice continued throughout the century]'
(3 Mar 1823) Going to Lake Moonyeena [unidentified], much larger than on their previous visit in November. The fence with hippopotamus traps washed away, with all nearby flat land covered with water and the rushes and reeds 'as high as a man's head, when at that time the herbage would not have reached to the knees'. Seeing numerous birds, but due to the increased size of the lake, many shot birds falling in the water, guarded by the 'numerous and bold' hippopotamuses: 'we durst not venture in for them, no more than the natives we had along with us'. Shooting a male and a female Parra [Jacana] (specimens 53-55), flying around the lakes in flocks, making a 'creaking noise' and darting down to catch small fish, building their nests on the small islands or rush hillocks, making them difficult to reach. The parras wading in the rushes and reeds in water five or six feet deep, their claws holding onto the stalks
Visiting the garden of Antonio Pedro Texeira, having during the previous visit planted in his garden loquat and orange trees from the Cape [Cape of Good Hope] 'at considerable expense & trouble, and to our great mortification found them all dug up and destroyed', with rice planted instead: 'this is a true specimen of the indolence and utter indifference of the Portuguese'. Believing Texeira, 'although one of the most active Portuguese here', had not visited the garden, a couple of hundred yards away, 'nor been so far from his own house'. About half of the vine cuttings planted in the governor's garden remaining alive, with the new governor, Miguel Lupe de Gardenas [Miguel Lupe de Cardinas] ('a young man, a native of Mozambique'), having paid 'some attention' to them
Passing a hut, seeing a woman taking the skins off a fruit called mackaanee [?mobola plum], throwing the pulp and nut into water: 'upon enquiry we found that they make a pleasant drink', steeped in water for a couple of days, ground in a mortar, then a little millet grass flour added to thicken it: 'it has then an agreeable, rough acid taste, and no doubt is very nutritive'. Most of the fruit eaten when fresh and ripe, with the fresh fruit having 'a very pleasant melting juicy pulp', with 'almost anyone' being fond of it straight away. The pulp coming off easily: 'sucking is very nice', but sucking too close to the stone was 'clammy and unpleasant'. The stone large in proportion to the fruit, an irregular shape containing the seeds with a pleasant, oily flavour resembling walnut. The ripe fruit being about the size of a walnut, pale yellow, with a thick and tough skin, keeping fresh only a day or two. The tree 30 or 40 feet high, with pinnated leaves and the fruit produced 'at the end of last year's, or last season's wood'
Another fruit eaten by the locals being about the size of a medlar, similarly inedible until it began to decay on the tree, of a 'dull brown, russety colour' with a thin skin, containing three to five kidney-shaped stones or seeds, embedded in a sharp acid pulp 'of an agreeable flavour'. The tree seldom more than 12 feet high, with 'opposite, ovate, pilose leaves': 'the natives are very fond of this fruit, they call it maffeelie [?African medlar]'. Preserving specimens of both fruits (specimens 3 and 5 in jar 2, case 21). Specimens of the latter also collected the previous year. Finding watermelon ('of an excellent quality') and pineapple ('would have been very good, had they been allowed to remain long enough on the plants, but the natives, too eager to turn them into beads[?], gathered them before they were half ripe'). Finding 'small leguminous plants' and several plants of the order Graminae
(4 Mar 1823) Changing specimen papers. Going on shore to collect more plants: 'we now durst [not] venture to any distance within our compass, without the fear of being molested by the Hollontontos', now settled at Mamalungoo [?Maputo Bay, Mozambique] by Meneice or King George's River [Komati River]: 'this tribe that have overrun the kingdom of Temby [Tembe], and are the dread of these poor natives, are an outcast tribe, rebels to their own country'. Most of the elephant ivory and rhinoceros horns obtained by the Portuguese and other traders originating from these peoples. 'This nation differ greatly in their diet from those near Delagoa Bay [Maputo Bay], who subsist chiefly on vegetable food, while these people prefer animal meat, for which reason they attack and kill great numbers of these animals, as well as any other for the skins, which they dry with the fur on and then lay these one upon another until they form a soft bed on which they sleep'. The people trading ivory for 'white & grey beads, and some little madras check [annotated: 'or blue dungaree'. Annotated: 'madras check is a coarse cotton check manufactured in India and in great esteem among many nations on this coast'] for the use of their women, but the men prefer skins for covering', and keeping cattle as well as hunting
(5 Mar 1823) Landing on the Temby side of the river [Tembe, Mozambique]. Going four or five miles into the country, observing the land and its cultivation. The land very sandy, with little or no loam in it, with much of it cultivated with Indian corn [flint corn], millet grass, sweet potatoes and rice. Finding two 'splendid' ferns (specimens 31 and 32). Seeing Nymphae caerulea in blossom in a lake. This side of the lake similar to the other side, but more densely populated and cultivated. A great quantity of water in the rainy season coming from the rivers Temby [Tembe River, Mozambique], Dundass [Mbuluzi River, Mozambique] and Mataul [Matola River, Mozambique], with the water at the anchorage at three quarters ebb tide being so fresh as to be drinkable: 'indeed it tasted very little salt', although the previous October Tembe had been salty 30 miles up the river
(6 Mar 1823) Staying on board the ship in the morning. In the afternoon, going on shore with William Owen, William Mudge [William Mudge, first lieutenant on HMS Barracouta] 'and a party' to visit Slangelly, 'prince of Temby [Tembe] & sovereign of the northern district of King Kapell's dominions'
(7 Mar 1823) Going on shore in the afternoon. Collecting several shrub specimens and some seeds. Shooting a few birds
(8 Mar 1823) Leaving the ship at dawn with William Mudge and 'a company of marines and a brass howitzer'. Landing on the Temby side on Point Mahoni [Tembe, Mozambique]: 'hoisted the English flag, with a discharge of musketry and a royal salute of 21 guns, amid the shouts of the natives'. William Owen having been 'induced to take this step for two reasons': because of the threats by the Portuguese governor of placing their flag on the location, and 'at the request & salutation of Mayetta, King Kapell [Mayeta, king of Tembe], Slangelly, prince of this part of his dominions, and the different chiefs wishing to put themselves under the protection of the British, to guard them from the tyranny of the Portuguese or any other power'
(9 Mar 1823) Changing specimen papers. Going on shore. Collecting several seeds and plants
(10 Mar 1823) Another flag staff being sent to the Temby [Tembe, Mozambique] side to be erected and 'placed in such a situation that it may be a mark for vessels coming into English River [Estuario do Espirito Santo]', being put up by William Mudge nearly opposite the Portuguese fort: 'the one on which the flag was first hoisted, and [by which] formal possession of these kingdoms taken in the name of the King of England, George the Fourth [George IV, king of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland], is on Point Mahoni', a few miles lower down towards the east. Point Mahoni and Point Reuben [Ponta Vermelha] being the two opposite points of high land forming the entrance of Temby River [Tembe River] into Delagoa Bay [Maputo Bay]: 'Point Reuben is a fine, elevated situation, and a fort on it would have fine command of the entrance to the river'. The Portuguese fort being situated at the lowest and 'most unhealthy' location in the vicinity of the bay, surrounded by 'a stinking marsh', covered with water in high tide, with a swamp and a marsh on the Tembe side, affecting the atmosphere. William Owen suggesting Point Reuben to the governor as a more suitable location, with an order being sent to build a new fort and transfer the soldiers to the new, more open and airy location
(11 Mar 1823) William Owen drawing out 'the principles on which King Kapell was to cede over his dominions to the King of Great Britain, with some general rules for the future government and understanding between the two nations'. Owen asking Forbes to accompany William Mudge to the residence of Mayeta, the present King Kapell, to obtain his signature. Leaving the ship at dawn. Landing near Mahoni Point, 'with some presents for the king'. Going to Slangelly's house, being joined by him, his secretaries and 'numbers of the natives'. Going north-west ['north' crossed out and replaced with 'south'] into the country. The road very sandy and difficult to walk on for about six miles
Reaching a marsh or a river in which the Egyptian paper plant (Cyperus papyrus) [papyrus sedge] was growing. Passing through the marsh, 'which was effected with considerable difficulty on the backs of the natives, who were obliged to unite the strength of two or three to carry one of us over, and even then we were in danger of falling every step. What makes it so very bad is that the feet never touch the bottom, but walk on the roots of this plant that grows horizontally under the surface of the water'. Mudge being less fortunate than Forbes, 'for by trusting to the strength of one man, who let him fall into the water, he was obliged to scramble through it himself'. The marsh nearly half a mile broad. 'The whole of our journey we had little variety, we were either up to our knees in water, or up [to] our ankles in hot dry sand'. The country level, with little variety in soil or vegetation. In general, the soil more sandy than on the north side of Temby River [Tembe River]. Passing through several marshes and by some lakes
Arriving at noon at the house of the king, about 16 miles away. Instead of an antechamber, being seated on a mat under a tree, waiting to be announced to the king. The king receiving them, dressed 'in an old blanket, he bowed to us in the best manner he was able, and through the interpreter Shamaguava enquired if we were 'very well', and said he was very 'glad to see us''. The king being informed of the reason for their visit. Being invited to walk to the house. Delivering the presents to the king, consisting of 'a captain's full dress coat [annotated: 'except epaulettes'] & gold-laced cocked hat, a pair of pantaloons & shirt, which were put onto him, about 10 or 12 yards of coarse red flannel, a few pounds of tobacco and some spirits [annotated: 'a ship's musquet [musket] & some ammunition'], with all of which he seemed highly pleased'. The king, dressed in his new uniform, walking in procession back under the tree, where one of his secretaries addressed him with a five-minute speech, 'the purport of which we afterwards learnt to be a congratulation on the acquirement of the presents we had given him, and informing him that he was now become so great a king that if the Vatways or any other enemy should again attack them, he should summon the assistance of his dependent kings and their subjects, and drive them out of his dominions, and not leave them to plunder his territories and carry away his cattle, as they had done on former occasions'. The king being addressed in a similar manner by Shamaguava, their interpreter ('certainly one of the most useful of his subjects, and one by whose exertions he owed his acquaintance with and the protection of the British'. Shamaguava taking the opportunity to remind the king 'of the obligation he was under to him', and that Mayetta had not presented him with a bullock since his accession to the throne, as his grandfather, the late king, had the habit of doing. The king briefly responding to the speeches and retiring to the house
Commencing to read the clauses of the 'articles of cession'. Everyone but Prince Slangelly and Mayetta's secretaries being ordered out of the house: 'it was no easy task to explain the meaning of every article, even to the interpreter, whose English was not sufficient to understand without a great deal of trouble what was meant by each clause & article, how much more difficult then must it be to convey them through such a medium to the understanding of a second, who did not understand one word of English'. After around one and a half hours of 'hard labour' in a room about 12 feet in diameter, with about 20 people in, 'we made them understand, if not exactly the particulars of each sentence, at least the general purport and meaning of them, and that nothing dishonourable was intended on our part, but that such an agreement was necessary between the parties, and that their interest had been consulted as much as ours'. The articles signed by the king and two secretaries, Captain Fannick [also known as Capenfinick or Faneghy] and [second name left blank], 'by guiding their hands'
After roast fowl offered by the king, setting off to return to the ship. The day 'excessive hot'. Being tired, with Mudge 'quite exhausted by heat and fatigue', being uncertain whether he would be able to walk back. Walking at a moderate pace and stopping to rest on the way, reaching the beach about 8.30pm. Returning by a different route, and instead of crossing the papyrus marsh in one place, having to cross it in two places. The second time, Forbes falling in the marsh. 'We could not help envying the nakedness of our companions on this occasion, and the indifference with which they met every kind of road', retaining their composure as they plunged into water, 'fearless of injuring the simple garb of nature in which alone they were clad'. King Mayetta having intended to accompany them to the ship to visit Owen, but having recently recovered from a 'fit of sickness' he 'thought it imprudent to travel in the heat of the day'. 'In person he is genteel for a black [annotated: 'of a deep, tawny colour'], six feet high & 23 or 24 years of age at present. He looks rather emaciated with illness'. Slangelly being a year or a year and a half younger, not as tall, 'darker in colour & exceedingly well shaped, a fine model for a sculptor'. 'By these simple means' the Kingdom of Temby [Tembe] and its dependencies were ceded to the king of England [crossed out: 'of the extent and population of these dominions we are at present ignorant'. Annotated: 'Temby contained about 15,000 inhabitants, Mapoota [Maputo, Mozambique] a like number and Inyack [Inhaca Island] and Panyelly [unidentified] together perhaps as many. These three last are a sort of feudal tenure under Temby [Tembe]']. The Barracouta arriving at the river, the bar having 'such a heavy sea with little or no wind that she broke two anchors'
(12 Mar 1823) Remaining on board the ship. Arranging 'the few' specimens collected the previous day. Changing specimen papers. Both Forbes and William Mudge feeling unwell from the long and difficult journey the previous day
(13 Mar 1823) The Barracouta having obtained water ('the only thing she wanted here'), and William Owen being anxious to proceed to the Cape [Cape of Good Hope], 'in consequence of the weakened and sickly state of his ships' company, having had to man the two merchant vessels as well as the Cockburn out of his own already very much reduced crew'. Attempting to get the anchor up, but 'the buoy rope getting foul', so being prevented from sailing until the following morning. In the afternoon, accompanying Owen and Alexander Vidal to visit Slangelly and Mayeta. Taking some mango seeds with them, brought from Madagascar. Planting them 'in a favourable situation', hoping that they would fare better than the loquat plants given to the Portuguese
(14 Mar 1823) Weighing anchor at dawn. Sailing down to Shefean Island [Ilhas Xefina] to 'take in wood', the three small vessels having been there for two days. The Barracouta following immediately behind. Going on shore in the first boat. Finding several plants and the fruit mumpcheese [unidentified] (specimen 4 in jar 2, case 21). Going on board the Barracouta, the Leven's boat having sailed while Forbes was in the woods
(15 Mar 1823) Leaving the Barracouta at dawn with Alexander Vidal [annotated above the line: '& Mr Durnford [Edward Durnford], who were going to Shefean [Ilhas Xefina] to finish surveying it. Landing on the west coast of the island. Durnford walking southwards from that point, Vidal sailing northwards. Forbes landing with Durnford, making 'several excursions' across the island, only half a mile broad at its widest part and about five miles long. The island thickly covered with wood, flooding at high tide in many places and covered with mud. Seeing different species of mangrove trees (Rhizophora), with other plants ('such as are') common in the nearby areas, the island having been joined to the mainland at the eastern end, now with 'just room' for a boat at low tide. At sunset, preparing to leave and seeing 'something like the body of a hippopotamus' floating in the water. On closer inspection, finding it to be a grampus (Delphinus orca) [orca, Orcinus orca]. Returning on board the Barracouta at 8pm. Sleeping on board the boat
(16 Mar 1823) Going on board the Leven at 6am with Captain Vidal [Alexander Vidal, first lieutenant, later captain of HMS Barracouta]. Sailing across the bay at 9am with the ships Barracouta, the Cockburn, the Sincapore and the Orange Grove. Shortly afterwards taking the Sincapore in tow [annotated in pencil: 'Some remarks on fever[?]'
(19 Mar 1823) Going along the coast near the River St Lucia [South Africa], the part of the coast from Fisher's River [?Mdloti River or Tongati River, South Africa] to St John [Port St Johns, South Africa] not having been surveyed by the Leven or the Barracouta. William Owen wanting to finish the survey, and having the opportunity to do so, continuing the survey until 23 Mar. Stopping for the night about 70 miles from Port St Johns. Reaching the mouth of St John's River [Mzimvubu River or Umzimvubu River, South Africa] the following morning
[annotated: 'The current is very strong all along this coast, but particularly a little to the NE [north-east] of St John's River [Mzimvubu River], where it set us at the rate of six miles an hour']. The current having set them off course, leaving the surveying for the Barracouta to finish. The country from Fisher's River to Port St Johns 'very fine, far exceeding anything we have seen on the African Coast, or I believe anything that exists', diverse with hills, dales, woods and water. The soil ('as well as we could judge') seeming rich and healthy, with a climate suitable for any vegetation. 'It is not a little surprising how this fine & interesting part of the coast should have been so long overlooked by European settlers', appearing to have 'a great deal more to recommend' it than the coast further north or south. The greatest obstacle appearing to be the lack of a good port or anchorage. Three, four or even five ridges of hills rising gradually one behind the other from the sea, with the farthest ridge seeming to be 5,000-6,000 feet above sea level, with many 'the kind called tableland', common in Africa. The chain of mountains, first seen near Algoa Bay [South Africa] 20 or 30 miles from the shore, running almost parallel with the coast, coming close to the coast at St John's River, the river breaking through them 'in a deep chasm, presenting the finest landscape on this coast'. The mountains then running northwards, and at about 28°45' being 'either lost altogether', or not visible from the sea. Continuing to sail along the coast
(24 Mar 1823) Passing the mouth of the Great Fish River [South Africa], Bushman's River [South Africa] and Cowey [Kowie River, South Africa], the rivers at the present dry season containing little water, although in the rainy season swelling 'to a considerable size'. All the rivers having bars at the mouth, but Cowey 'will admit vessels of a small draught of water'. Coming in sight of Cape Padron [Cape Padrone, South Africa] at sunset at the north-east entrance into Algoa Bay. The winds becoming 'light and baffling', having to stay out on the open sea. At sunset the sky having 'a rich, fiery appearance', seeing a fog bank to the south-west, 'which we should have taken for land, had we not known that none existed in that direction'. The wind gradually increasing from the south-west, blowing fresh at midnight and continuing to blow the following day
(25 Mar 1823) Reaching the land near Algoa Bay, but with a gale blowing, staying off the coast. The wind increasing from the west and the south-west: 'a very tempestuous sea, occasionally breaking over the ship'
(26 Mar 1823) The wind gradually subsiding into 'a fine breeze', having split several of the sails but done no other material damage. The rolling of the ship shifting everything from its place inside, with the water getting in at the ports and hatches ('in spite of every precaution'), damaging items in the ship
(27 Mar 1823) Sailing towards the coast. Coming in sight of land near Algoa Bay at 11am. Seeing a large ship anchored. Finding it to be a Dutchman [a Dutch East India Company ship]. Anchoring off Port Elizabeth [South Africa] at 4.30pm, aided by a fine south-easterly wind. The commandant, Captain Evatt [Francis Evatt, commandant of Fort Frederick, South Africa], coming on board and returning soon on shore 'to send off the letters that are at the port office here for us'. Going on shore with some other people in the evening to prepare for an early morning excursion
(28 Mar 1823) Making a short excursion before breakfast. Finding a few plants. Attempting to find roots of several Orchideae, which had been in flower the previous September, searching for several hours but being unable to find any of them, there being fewer plants in the dry season. Finding specimens 'of about a score'. Not having time to collect more, William Owen intending to sail in the evening. Seeing four merchant ships, one of which was stranded, 'a new brig direct from London with provisions', having been driven on shore from its moorings by a strong north-easterly gale. The little port having 'a good deal of business going on', with 'that bustle & activity peculiar to the English, which bears a striking contrast with the dull, indifferent manner in which commerce is carried on at any of the Portuguese establishments'. The crops in this part of the colony having been 'partially better this season', but 'far from being generally good'. Finding the refreshments obtainable 'much superior' to any other places they had visited
(29 Mar 1823) Weighing anchor at dawn, but unable to sail until 11am due to light winds. Sailing for Simon's Bay [South Africa]
(31 Mar 1823) Between one and two leagues from the coast near Cape Blaze [Cape St Blaize, Mossel Bay, South Africa], passing through 'vast streaks of spawn' the colour of brick dust, composed of 'immense numbers of small, transparent, irregular, round & sometimes kidney-shaped globules, about 1/20 of an inch in diameter. In the centre was a small brown opaque spot, which was certainly the animal in a state of embryo & most probably a species of medusa'. The spawn covering the surface of the water for miles, denser in some places than others
(1 Apr 1823) Becalmed almost the whole day. Catching an 'abundance of excellent fish' in 50 fathoms of water. William Owen ordering a boat for them to go and shoot birds, numerous around the ship, in particular black petrels (Procellaria equinoctiali) [white-chinned petrel, Procellaria aequinoctialis], stormy petrels (Procellaria pelagica) [?Hydrobates pelagicus] and gannets (Pelecanus bassanus variety) [Morus bassanus]. Shooting two black petrels, one stormy petrel and one gannet, 'but the feathers were so much bloodied that it was spoiled for skinning'. Passing through more spawn or animalculae [microscopic animals]. At nightfall, with a light breeze, the phosphorous light illuminating the ship like a fire. Seeing more spawn here than anywhere else
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