Journals of John Forbes: Journal 6

Title

Journals of John Forbes: Journal 6

Record type

Archive

Original Reference

RHS/Col/3/1/6

Date

1 Dec 1822-15 Mar 1823

Scope & content

John Forbes' travel journal, 1 Dec 1822-15 Mar 1823, in Mozambique, Madagascar, Comoro Islands and Quirimbas Islands. The journal ends mid-entry, and is continued in RHS/Col/3/1/7

Overview of contents:
Pages 1-81: Narrative of travel, 1 Dec 1822-16 Feb 1823
Pages 82-84: Blank
Pages 85-127: Narrative of travel, 16 Feb-15 Mar 1823
Pages 128-132: Blank

Physical description: Bound in soft paper covers marbled in red/brown shell pattern with blue veins. Labelled '5. Journal, December 1st 1822 to March 15th 1823'. Most of the spine has flaked away. The binding is reasonably robust but the front cover has a tear in it near the spine. Pages are reasonably robust. Fragile. Handle with care. Dimensions: 32 (h) x 20.5 (w) cm

From 12 Feb-15 Mar 1823 the journal appears to be a copy of RHS/Col/3/1/8, with annotations from the original incorporated. The remainder of RHS/Col/3/1/6 may have been copied from a version that does not survive

The volume is written in Forbes' hand, on rectos only. Annotated in pencil by Forbes (annotations by Forbes unless otherwise indicated), with occasional marginal and interlinear annotations, annotations on the blank verso pages, corrections and crossings out. The more substantial annotations have been included and identified in the description, whilst minor alterations of spelling or phrasing have not been noted

The journal contains headings by location

The volume was paginated on the upper right-hand corner of rectos during cataloguing

The volume had a loose enclosure at page 101. This enclosure was removed for preservation purposes during cataloguing and stored with the volume in a separate folder:
Enclosure 1, originally enclosed at page 101: A loose slip of paper, perhaps torn from a letter

Summary of contents:

(1 Dec 1822) Captain Owen [William FitzWilliam Owen, captain of HMS Leven] deciding to survey the coast near Delagoa Bay [Maputo Bay, Mozambique] as far as St John's River [Mzimvubu River or Umzimvubu River, South Africa], the area having been left unsurveyed by the Barracouta. Sailing towards Madagascar, the varying, largely unfavourable, winds having prevented all but occasional surveying along the coast, where they had remained until 7 [Nov]

The coast, called by the Portuguese Terra dos Fumos [the coast around St Lucia, South Africa], in general low, but having a ridge of sand hills 100-700 feet high, having evidently been formed by sand blown up from the beach, and covered with shrubs or bare where exposed to winds. The 'general line of coast' with the hills running north-east and south-west. Reaching Cape St Lucia [South Africa], near a small river by the same name, located at latitude 28°24'00''S and longitude 23°24'00''E

Advancing southward near the mouth of Fisher's River [?Mdloti River or Tongati River, South Africa]: 'that which was taken for Fisher's River was not it, which we did not know until this coast', locating the river further down the coast and naming it Morley's Creek, after William Henry Morley [master on HMS Leven], who died of the fever and was buried beside it: 'this gentleman was very much esteemed, and in him Captain Owen lost an excellent officer & navigator'

The coastline running south-west towards the interior of the country, with a mountain ridge rising gradually from the coast at Point Durnford [Durnford Point, South Africa] ('so named after one of our young hydrographers [an officer appointed to delineate it, Edward Philip Durnford, midshipman on HMS Leven]) towards the west about eight leagues from the coastline. The mountain range then skirting the coast as far as St John's River [Mzimvubu River] at latitude 31°36'S and longitude 29°24'E. Other hills interposed occasionally between the mountains and the coast, varying in height, the first range 'from about two thousand to fifteen hundred feet, the others from three or four hundred upwards', gradually diminishing in size towards the shore. The country 'finely diversified with green herbage and wood', with apparently easy landing possibilities. The sand hills lower than those further north. The 'primitive earth' of red, sandy loam appearing similar to that around the English River [Estuario do Espirito Santo, Mozambique]. Continuing to sail eastward to 53°E, 'having gone as far south as 32°' towards the island of St Mary's [Nosy Boraha, Madagascar] off the coast of Madagascar, reaching it on 21 Dec

(21 Dec 1822) Seeing very few birds during the passage. Seeing a tropic bird (Phaethon aethereus) on crossing the Tropic of Capricorn. Two flying fish (Exocoetus volitans) landing on board. Seeing one dolphin (Delphinus delphus) [Delphinus delphis] and one shoal of porpoises (Delphinus phocinus) [Delphinus phocaena] on 17 Dec. 'Being in the longitude in which we thought we might fall in with the homeward bound Indiamen [East India Company ships] and have an opportunity of forwarding letters', but passing no other vessels until seeing a brig in the distance on 20 Dec. Being unable to ascertain the colours hoisted [by the ship for identification], 'we were however concerned she was not an English vessel, and we also expected that we should have another means of forwarding them through the medium of the French resident at Madagascar'

The sea during the passage very smooth compared to the 'western ocean'. Light winds, with rain towards the evening. Anchoring off the south point of St Mary's Island [Nosy Boraha]. Since leaving Delagoa Bay [Maputo Bay], no one falling ill with fever, and those ill recovering

(22 Dec 1822) Almost becalmed in the morning. In the afternoon, a northerly wind 'kept us beating about in the channel' between St Mary's [Nosy Boraha] and Madagascar all day. St Mary's appearing low and thickly wooded. Madagascar appearing 'finely diversified' with hills and thickly wooded, 'with altogether a rich and beautiful appearance'. Anchoring in the evening in the channel. The weather very hot, with the temperature between 80 and 83 degrees

(23 Dec 1822) Sailing to anchorage off the French settlement on Quail Island [Ilot Madame, Madagascar], a small island at the mouth of a small 'finely formed harbour' with shallow water and coral reefs at the entrance. Anchoring at 3pm. William Owen, Captain Vidal [Alexander Vidal, first lieutenant, later captain of HMS Barracouta] and Lieutenant Mudge [William Mudge, first lieutenant on HMS Barracouta] going on shore to pay their respects to the French commandant

The French settlement being the third on the island, with the first settlement in the 17th century comprising 120 men, 'which were cut off and massacred by the natives' three months later, the French erecting a monument to their memory on a hill near the present settlement. The second settlement formed in 1745, being abandoned in 1761 'of their own accord, in consequence of the unhealthiness of the climate'. The present settlers having arrived in November 1821 ('one of the unhealthy months') losing 104 out of 240 people to fever during the first four months, including 'nearly all their females'. Many of the remaining settlers in poor health, 'I may say all appear much emaciated', but determined to remain for another year. 'The natives seem reconciled to them, perforce have offered them no molestation'

The soil a very rich loam and vegetable mould, with 'rich, luxuriant' vegetation, 'splendid' Urania speciosa [Ravenala madagascariensis], Barringtonia speciosa [Barringtonia asiatica] and different species of Terminalia, Theophrastia [?Chrysophyllum], Ixora, Hernandia and Pandanus [annotated in pencil: 'Urania speciosa & raffia [Raphia]] covering the island. Urania speciosa being the most common plant: 'an idea may be formed of its grandeur by these specimens of it in some of the hothouses in England', frequently reaching 30 feet, with leaves standing opposite each other, forming 'an immense fan'

(24 Dec 1822) Going on shore to collect specimens. Visiting the gardens of Monsieur Le Nore [unidentified], 'the French gardener and botanist'. The garden 'much in the English style', with several European vegetables and flowers. The climate being too hot for most of the vegetables, the gardeners having to protect them from the scorching sun by screens made of Urania [Ravenala] leaves, similar to lettuce protected from frost in England by straw screens. Kidney beans surviving well, but peas and beans or vegetables in the order Cruciferae not succeeding, and the climate probably being too hot for potatoes, but sweet potatoes (Convolvulus batatas) [Ipomoea batatas] a good substitute. Cassava (Jatropha manihot) [Manihot esculenta] ('very good'), edows (Arum esculentum) [eddoe, Colocasia antiquorum or taro, Colocasia esculenta] and yams (Dioscorea sativa) [Dioscorea villosa] being cultivated. Some cocoa nut [coconut] trees growing well. The garden containing some plants of the bread fruit tree (Artocarpus incisa) [Artocarpus altilis]. Banana and plantain growing, with the woods 'full of' pineapple ('very excellent'), mango (Mangifera indica and laxiflora) [Mangifera laxiflora, identification unresolved as at Jun 2018] and lime (Citrus limonia) [?rangpur]. 'Very excellent quality' rice growing

Seeing species of kidney bean, tobacco, sweet potato, cassava and Indian corn [flint corn] in the 'gardens of the natives'. Collecting specimens (specimens 1-15), seeds and living plants. Shooting a kingfisher (Alcedo coerulocephala) [?Alcedo coerulescens] (specimen 30). Returning on board the ship in the evening

(25 Dec 1822) Arranging specimens collected the previous day. Remaining on board due to pouring rain

(26 Dec 1822) Heavy rain in the morning. Collecting plants in the afternoon, finding new plants and making additions and improvements to the existing collection

(27 Dec 1822) Arranging specimens. Changing the paper of specimens. Disposal of the belongings of Captain Cutfield [William Cutfield, captain of HMS Barracouta] and William Henry Morley [who had both died of fever]. Seeing a shark (Squalus tigrinus) [Stegostoma fasciatum] near the ship and baiting it with a hook of 'stinking beef' thrown overboard, 'which he very soon took, it having been previously examined by his forerunner the pilot fish (Gusterosteus ductor) [Naucrates ductor]'. In order to get the shark on board, attaching a strong rope with a noose behind the pectoral fins: 'it then was as much as 30 men could do to hoist him in'. The 'monster' measuring 13 feet in length and six feet across, with five rows of teeth and a mouth 'sufficiently capacious to have taken in the body of middle sized man'. Seeing another shark and baiting it: 'in half an hour we had one at each gangway'. The second shark found to be a female with 40 young ones inside her, measuring eight feet in circumference. Finding in her stomach several shells, 'bullocks' legs & hoofs, heads & claws of fowls, bones, a basket that have been thrown overboard and numerous other delicate bits'. The shark being 'attended by' numerous young sharks, pilot fish and sucking fish (Echineis remora) [Remora remora]

(28 Dec 1822) Arranging specimens on board the ship. Changing specimen papers. Taking seeds and plants on shore in the afternoon. Collecting plants and specimens

(29 Dec 1822) Collecting plants and seeds. William Owen going up a small river running northward up the island and bringing back specimens of plants and seeds for Forbes. Receiving fine specimens of Plumeria and several capsules of Barringtonia speciosa [Barringtonia asiatica]. Landing on the south side of the harbour. Attempting to enter the woods, but being unable to penetrate the dense forest

(30 Dec 1822) William Owen inviting Forbes to go up the river he had travelled the previous day to collect plants, and providing Forbes with a boat. Leaving the ship at 8am. Going up a creek at the south-east corner of the harbour. After 200 yards, finding an elegant Echite (specimens 40, 31). Proceeding across the harbour, passing Timor Island [Ile aux Forbans, Madagascar], a beautiful small conical island in the middle of the harbour, covered with trees and 'placed as if on purpose to beautify this already pretty landscape'. Entering the river east of the French commandant's house at the foot of the monument hill. The entrance to the river about 20 yards wide, continuing at this width for four miles, then gradually narrowing until after a quarter of a mile it was only two yards wide. After two miles, the water becoming clear and fresh. Travelling about five miles up the river. The riverbanks low, the land flooding at high tide

Seeing 'some very fine scenery and vegetation is altogether luxurious & fine'. Not finding many new plants. The most common plants the 'magnificent Urania [Ravenala] and the 'splendid' Sagus raffia [Raphia vinifera]. The land rich and 'beautifully diversified'. Shooting an 'elegant little scarlet [bird]' (specimen 27) in a marsh at the head of the river. Seeing no local people. Up the river, landing on observing a 'great smoke' and seeing two huts, 'but the inhabitants we imagined had ran off and left them on hearing the discharge of our guns'. Fire being used to clear the woods: 'it grieved me to see the splendid trees' and plants falling in the fire. Changing specimen papers, arranging and drying specimens. Collecting more specimens in the afternoon

(1 Jan 1823) Collecting specimens, seeds and living plants. Giving 'the last' of the garden seeds brought from England to the French gardener, Monsieur Le Nore [unidentified]

(2 Jan 1823) Watering and supplies completed. Three men from the Barracouta running away 'from the watering party'. The ship being detained for two days to find them, and to hold 'a court of inquiry' for the deserters. Collecting a few more specimens and seeds

(3 Jan 1823) Going with Lieutenant Johnes [Edward Owen Johnes, lieutenant on HMS Leven and HMS Barracouta] in a boat to the south of the island to look for the men who had run away. Landing at a village and seeing a boat from the Barracouta, which had gone in search of the men with Lieutenant Boteler [Thomas Boteler, second lieutenant on HMS Leven and first lieutenant on HMS Barracouta], another officer and marines. Staying along the coast

Seeing villages along the shore, composed of 12 to 20 houses, about a mile from each other. The houses neat and in regular order, built from Urania speciosa [Ravenala] [annotated in a pencil: 'Ravenalia urania'], cut when green and dried in the sun. The houses oblong, with a room about 18 feet long and ten wide, with the floor raised off the ground six or eight inches, made of boards and covered with mats. The fireplace on the floor, usually in a corner, with racks for drying fish and beef over it, 'to neither of which they use any salt'. The furniture consisting of 'a number of neatly formed cases of mat-work, strengthened by the strong part of the leaves of the Urania, in which they keep their cloth, shells, fruit and other articles of traffic'. Numerous cushions used for 'laying their heads on or sitting on at pleasure; the former posture they generally prefer'. The plates for eating consisting of a piece of Urania leaf, wrapped up 'in a peculiar manner, so as to answer the noble purpose of spoon, cup and plate', from which rice is eaten and water drunk, 'which is the chief part of their food, with a little dried fish'. The people sleeping in a different place at night, in houses built on posts about four feet from the ground, divided into small apartments

Each house having a loover [louvre] attached for weaving cloth from the fibres of Sagus raffia [Raphia vinifera], 'although the process of manufacturing this article is not arrived at such a pitch as in Europe, it is performed on the same principle; they rise two treadles to cross the threads of the warp & instead of the shuttle being the same as the one used in weaving cotton, it is split at both ends onto which the weft is wound and by this means conveyed between the treads of the warp', using smooth pieces of hard wood instead of a reed to beat the threads together with. Weaving done by the women, in particular the married women or the mistress of the house, while the husbands were employed in fishing, cultivating the land or collecting fruit. The 'minor branches of the family' employed in preparing the thread for loom, cooking and making mats and garments of dungaree, with the labour being divided equally, and the 'weaker sex is not made the abject slave of the stronger'

The men's dress, 'if such it may be called', consisting of a cloth 'of their own manufacturing', wound around the loins worn with a 'square, flat, simple mat cap'. The women's dress made of dungaree [a type of cotton fabric], consisting of 'a light body to fit the bust and a petticoat with several yards of loose cloth, which they, when walking, either take under their arm or tie round the bodies'. In one of the villages seeing a pair of bellows, long and five inches in the bore with pistons filing into them, being worked in an upright position with horizontal pipes to convey the air to the fire. Seeing the people playing a game with 'an oblong piece of wood with 32 little holes or dishes, containing seeds of the nicker tree (Guilandina bonduc), 'which seemed to answer the purpose of the chess men in chess, in fact this game had altogether something the appearance of this noble game, only the movements of the two players were much quicker than the movements in that game generally are; I do not however suppose that these natives have any idea of that scientific game' [the game is probably a game called fanorona, indigenous to Madagascar]

The local people in general 'about the middle size, rather stout, particularly the men, the colour not so black as the natives of tropical Africa, is yet very dark. Their hair is not short and wool like the African, but is curled [annotated in pencil: 'crisped'] & long, the countenance of the men is in general a sneering contemptious [contemptuous] precious ferocious grin[?], and the women a sulky, sullen, discontented look, and although they seem pretty well reconciled to Europeans, yet I think it would be dangerous to trust them too far: their thirst for dollars and love of European manufactures is so great that I very much doubt whether it would be safe to mete[?] confidence in a people whose avarice and wants know no bounds, and whose uninformed and naturally savage ambitions and firecious [?ferocious] dispositions would lead them to commit any crime however horrable [horrible] or treacherous to satisfy their unbounded lust. We were not able to discover any thing like religion among them, but our short stay did not give us time to find out anything of this kind or anything particular of their history. They are armed with long spears and there are numbers of firearms among them. [...] they are tolerable navigators in canoes and large open boats, as their neighbours of the Comora Islands [Comoro Islands, Union of the Comoros] have frequently experienced. They are very fond of bartering and selling their fruit, rice, vegetables, cloth, or shells, in fact anything they have, they will part with for Spanish dollars & rupees, which they value more than anything else. They [are] also fond of dungarees, iron or iron hoop, or strong cuttling, especially large clasp knives. Beads, buttons and suchlike useless trinkets, they set little or no value on, they like something more substantial & useful. You pay a dollar for 4 fowls, the same for one goosy [goose], two Muscovy ducks, a piece of cloth, a mat basket & a dollar & half for a bag of rice, in fact everything is valued by the dollar. They are hard to bargain with and frequently ask much more than the article is really worth'

Hearing that the men they were searching for had been at a village the previous day, but had retreated to the interior of the island. Thomas Boteler offering six dollars for each man. A man the fugitives were staying with coming forward within an hour and offering to take the searchers to his house. The search party finding them asleep, bringing them to the boats. Returning to the ship about 7pm. Shooting several birds during the day (specimens 23-26). Collecting several seeds and 'some good plants' of Ephendendrum [Epidendrum] ('No 2 of No 2 large flint glass jar')

(4 Jan 1823) A court inquiry being held for the deserters and punishment inflicted 'according to the different degrees & natures of their several offences'. Having no communication with the shore. Expecting to sail the following morning, arranging the cabin for sailing

(5 Jan 1823) Winds too light for sailing. Going on shore in the afternoon to collect specimens of rocks and seeds

(6 Jan 1823) Weighing anchor in the morning. Sailing up the channel. Light, northerly winds and southerly currents preventing sailing. Anchoring in the channel by the French fort at nightfall

(7 Jan 1823) Weighing anchor in the morning. Encountering the same obstacles as the previous day. With a fresh northerly breeze at noon, William Owen altering the course and steering towards the south-east, to catch the north-east monsoon in order to get round Cape Ambre [Cap d'Ambre, Madagascar]

(10 Jan 1823) Steering towards the north, the winds becoming more favourable. Seeing heavy rain every afternoon during the time in Saint Mary's Road [Nosy Boraha, Madagascar], with lightning over Madagascar

(12 Jan 1823) Latitude 15°12'S and longitude 52°40'E. Experiencing 'that kind of weather generally met with in these latitudes', including sudden squalls, with sudden changes in the winds and heavy rain

(15 Jan 1823) Latitude between 12°34'S and 11°23'S and longitude between 51°36'E and 50°16'E between 15 and 18 Jan. Light winds, the ship at times becalmed. The sea smooth 'as a sheet of ice, with little or no swell'. Seeing several sharks (Squalus leginus) [unidentified] and some dolphins (Coryphana hippurus) [mahi-mahi, Coryphaena hippurus] around the ship, but neither taking bait thrown. Seeing several flocks of birds, believing them to be the lesser gannet (Pelecanus piscator) [?red-footed booby, Sula sula], flying from the north-east in an almost straight line, occasionally darting down for food, flying in a very different manner from albatrosses or petrels. The latter birds frequently following ships, in the hope of food being thrown overboard. Both albatrosses and petrels having been known to follow ships from the Atlantic in 20°W and 26°S to the tropics on the eastern side of Africa in 36°E, or about 1,300 leagues. Seeing an occasional sooty petrel (Procellaria gricea) [sooty shearwater, Ardenna grisea], flying gracefully over the sea. The atmosphere very clear, the sea imposing, 'more from its extent and smoothness, than from the vanity or beauty of the objects', beautiful by moonlight, with light reflected on the surface of the water

On 15 Jan, meeting a small brig from Mauritius [Republic of Mauritius], bound for the Amirante or Seychelle Islands [Amirante Islands, Republic of Seychelles]

(22 Jan 1823) [Arriving at Johanna [Anjouan, Union of the Comoros]] The low beach with heavy surf making landing difficult. Being met by a pilot in a canoe with outriggers. The locals having 'formed a kind of breakwater under the lee' for small boats and canoes to land, particularly during the south-west monsoon, with the bay being well sheltered. The boat being so long, being worried in case it could not turn around the breakwater, the latter being parallel with the coast and the passage narrow, causing a vessel unable to turn around quickly enough to be struck and damaged by the sea. Boarding the canoe 'with such things as I wished to take with me', the canoes appearing stable with the outriggers and unlikely to capsize, although the one boarded by Forbes 'was quite filled with water'. The boat from the Barracouta landing safely, being much shorter. The local people placing a red and yellow flag at the end point of the breakwater, around which vessels had to navigate

The beach 'covered with natives, who set up a loud shout on our landing'. Being welcomed in English, 'with the compliments 'how do you do', 'I hope you are very well' etc'. Being asked questions about the ship and where they had come from, 'and especially how King George [George IV] their friend was, with many wishes for his health, and if there was any news from the Europe'. Informing the people that they were visiting in order 'to leave the box for Prince Alie [Ali bin Salim, prince of Ndzuwani [Anjouan, the Union of the Comoros]], and the parcel for Mr Elliot [William Elliott, British missionary and plant collector], who they told us had left them six months before', and wishing to purchase stock, such as fowls, kids, vegetables and fruit. Being taken to the palace for an audience with the sultan, 'Allahway [Abdallah II bin Alawi, sultan of Ndzuwani] I believe is his name', 'to inform him before anything could be procured which we wanted'

The road from the beach to the palace being 'up what are here called streets, but in an English town would be considered dirty alleys'. Arriving at the door of the palace, having to wait for a few minutes before being announced, His Majesty preparing to see them. Ascending a flight of stone steps to an audience chamber, 'a duly singular room', about 12 feet square, with the chair of state, a table covered with green baize and benches on each side covered with silk for them and the ministers to sit on. The sultan entering from the opposite corner of the room: 'we made our best bows to him, which he several times graciously returned'. The sultan dressed in robes of scarlet cloth trimmed with gold lace, wearing a crown and carrying a richly ornamented Turkish sword instead of a sceptre: 'in person he [was] rather below the middle size, inclined to corpulence, about 55 or 56 years of age as near as we could guess'. The sultan, after taking his seat, asking his visitors through his interpreters the same questions and giving the same compliments they had been greeted with on landing. The sultan's son, Prince Ali ('an interesting young man') and the ministers of state taking their seats. Being given glasses of coconut water, 'in which we of course drank His Majesty's health'. Proceeding to business, reading the letters they had brought, 'along with numerous other papers, certificates etc'. The box they had brought being opened, containing 'wearing apparel, trinkets etc for Princess Alie [unidentified] from the Cape [Cape of Good Hope, South Africa], of which place she was a native. They informed us she was dead some time ago'. The chief interpreter, who had accompanied them from the beach (he 'called himself Admal Roddins, or as we interpreted it, Admiral Rodney, for there are many of them who have assumed high English titles'), informing them that the king had granted them permission to have anything they wanted: 'if we would give him the money, and tell him how many dollars' worth of each article we wanted, he would undertake to supply us with them'

Prince Ali asking them to accompany him to his house, 'some distance' from the palace and 'much more pleasantly situated, and the apartments much neater and more elegantly fitted up & furnished'. Being given sweetmeats, coconut milk and a garland of flowers each. Being shown several letters written by captains of different vessels which had visited, praising the attention and civility of the king [crossed out: 'had been graciously pleased to grant permission for us to have anything we would'] and his subjects, 'likewise the Pilot Duks Charles's certificate book, in which his services are acknowledged, and the money (four Spanish dollars) paid him for piloting each ship to their anchorage'. Returning to the beach to see the boat being loaded with purchased items. The Prince accompanying them to the beach with 'scores of his subjects, who had never lost sight of us from our first landing'. Finding the beach covered with fowls, kids, fruits and other items purchased by Admal Roddins

Having difficulty bringing everything on board the ship. Seeing a storm approaching and hurrying to get on board before the heavy surf and sea made it difficult. Edward Durnford, having returned earlier on the Leven boat, leaving Forbes to get on board from the Barracouta. William Owen having allowed 20 minutes for boarding, 'but much more than this time had now elapsed'. Leaving the shore laded with fowls and fruit, 'amid the shouts of the natives and I believe with their best wishes for our success'

Mr Horsburgh [James Horsburgh, Scottish hydrographer and the author of the navigation guide 'Directions for Sailing to and from the East Indies, China, New Holland, Cape of Good Hope, and the interjacent Ports, compiled chiefly from original Journals and Observations made during 21 years' experience in navigating those Seas', also known as the 'India directory', first published in 1817] measuring the latitude of the anchorage as 12°7.5S and the longitude as 44°30E: 'we made it in 44°5 by observations and chronometer, thus we differ from him 15 miles more to the westward'. This island and the rest of the Comor Islands [Comoro Islands] mountainous and of volcanic origin, 'or have at some remote period been under the influence of fire'. Staying only a few minutes, being unable to observe much, but from the materials of buildings and fragments on the beach, being certain of their origin: 'this idea can not have escaped the observation of anyone that has before visited these islands and paid the least attention to their geological structure'. Similar to the Canaries [Canary Islands, Spain] or Cape de Verd [Cabo Verde] on the opposite coast of Africa, although 'more luxuriant and fruitful'. The islands' importance for vessels from England bound for Bombay [Mumbai, India], the Malabar Coast [India], the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, 'or what is called the inner passage to India' during the south-west monsoon, when it is possible to anchor safely at Johanna [Anjouan] and procure abundant water and 'excellent refreshments at moderate price'. The islands not appearing unhealthy, but being informed they are 'very much so'. A party of men having died some time ago after working on shore from a ship called the Victor, a sloop of war, with those sleeping on board surviving

The present inhabitants of the islands not aboriginal to the islands, 'but a mixture of Arab Moor and African, but by far the greater part of the former, for [in] very few of the faces we saw was there any traces of either the Madagass or African, except some negros, that are slaves. Their religion is Mahometan [Islam], and they are all subject to a sultan, who resides at Johanna. They are tolerably well armed with muskets and have some cannons, which by the by are almost useless through neglect. Their only enemies are the Madagasses, who come over in swarms in their canoes and commit horrible ravages and plunder; they have not been visited by their marauders for some years owing to the influence of the English with King Radam of Madagascar [Radama I, king of Madagascar]. They also use bows and arrows as well as muskets, but I believe they are very poor warriors, and seem much more disposed to live at home and enjoy the blessings of peace and trade than enter into a conflict in which nothing they wish for is to be gained, and in which they may be severe sufferers, as they have been heretofore by only acting on the defensive'

(23 Jan 1823) Light winds. In sight of Johanna [Anjouan], the Great Comora [Grande Comore, Union of the Comoros] and Mohella [Moheli, Union of the Comoros]. Steering towards the north-west. Passing between the last-mentioned islands in the night

(24 Jan 1823) Very light but contrary winds. At sunset, being four or five leagues from the Great Comora [Grande Comore]. The island seeming almost like one large mountain, with an even surface sloping gradually down to the sea. Estimating the height as 7,000 or 8,000 feet above the sea. Catching a shark with a harpoon from the stern of the ship. The blue shark (Squalus glaucus) [Prionace glauca] measuring ten feet in length, a different species from the ones caught previously

(28 Jan 1823) Seeing land ahead before sunset, having been almost becalmed for four days. The log showing them to have proceeded about 90 miles, having been carried by the current from the Great Comora [Grande Comore] at latitude 43°50'E to 41°07'00'E, for 70 miles by the current at a pace of one mile an hour. Reaching the Island of Wood or Ilhia dos Matos [unidentified, Quirimbas Islands]: 'we stood off and on during the night & in the morning'

(29 Jan 1823) Seeing the land to the south. Surveying the outer shore of the islands, from Makabow [?Macomia, Quirimbas Islands] to Queramba [Quirimba, Quirimbas Islands], 'the largest and the one that gives name to this group'. The islands generally low, with some 'only just as it were rising out of the water', sandy, probably with a coral base, thickly covered with shrubs or undergrowth and trees. On some of the islands seeing cocoa nut trees [coconut]. Passing the islands at the distance of about a mile. Quirimba and Oeba [Ibo, Quirimbas Islands] having Portuguese residents with forts. Seeing their flag flying and some vessels anchored at Ibo and Matema [Matemo, Quirimbas Islands]

(30 Jan 1823) Landing at the south of Quirimba, passing the outer bay and the mouth of the River Pemba [?Baia de Pemba, Mozambique]. From the bay 'two or three conical stilts may been [be] seen of a very different figure to anything we have observed on this coast'. The coast from Point du Diable [Ponta do Diablo, Mozambique] to Point Almeyda [?Baia Almeida, Mozambique] being very even, of a moderate height and covered with shrubs. At 4pm seeing a chain of hills running north to north-west and south to south-east, continuing from the hills seen at the mouth of the River Pemba, with a 'very singular' appearance, with 'immense masses of various and unequal figures', being broken into several irregular peaks, the largest called Picos Fragas by the Portuguese, or ragged hills in English, about 20 and 30 miles from the shore, not running exactly parallel with the coast but inclining at the north end to the west. Presuming them to be of volcanic origin: 'it would be very interesting to ascertain this point'. In latitude 12°52'40''S, longitude 40°23'15''E

(31 Jan 1823) Between 12 and 1am being taken by a squall, common for the season, coming from the land, from north-west to north, changing their direction little, often blowing furiously and being accompanied by rain, thunder and lightning, rarely lasting more than an hour, but rain persisting for longer

(1 Feb 1823) Passing rapidly along the coast with a fresh wind, surveying while going along. Passing the mouth of the Fernando Vilosa River [Fernao Veloso Bay, Mozambique], in sight of Quintangona Point [?Cabo da Cabaceira, Mozambique] and shortly afterwards seeing the fort and town at Mozambique [Island of Mozambique]. Anchoring at 4pm at the fort. The governor sending an aide-de-camp to pay his respects to William Owen. Owen going on shore to return the compliment. Finding the Barracouta, which had parted company with them at the Comoro Island [Comoro Islands]. Seeing 'two slave ships' from Rio Janeiro [Rio de Janeiro, Brazil] belonging to the Portuguese: 'this abominable traffic is only permitted by the British government to this nation alone south of the line [equator], and their trade is neither so great nor beneficial as it was some years ago, though still by far too much'

(2 Feb 1823) Going on shore in the morning to collect 'such plants and other natural curiosities as this barren island affords, which, indeed, are few, except to the conchologist [conchology, the study of molluscs], who may here procure a tolerable rich harvest'. The island being about two miles long, and rarely more than half a mile broad. The soil ('if I may so call it') being sheer sand, with very limited vegetation. Coconuts (Cocos nucifera) and ficus (specimen 22) being the only trees on the island, with the coconut tree receiving more attention than any other from the 'Portuguese and natives' alike: 'and certainly it requires or gets very little, for it grows to fine stately trees', receiving no other care after planting than protection of the young plant from cattle. Ficus planted and protected 'for the agreeable shade it affords from the scorching rays of the sun', it being very hot all year, with temperatures ranging from about 74 to 87 degrees. December to February being the hottest, rainiest and the most unhealthy months, with intermittent jungle fevers. The Portuguese considering the hot sun and the dew during the night to cause the disease, rubbing patients with hot sand to cure them: 'this is not the practice for fevers but for indigestion, which is very common and sometimes very fatal, so as to produce violent perspiration'

The harbour being on the north side of the island, three or four miles from the mainland. The anchorage being by the fort and the town [Fort Sao Sebastiao, Stone Town, Mozambique], a quarter or half a mile from the shore. The water in the harbour very shallow in many places, with boats unable to approach the mainland during low tide, except in the channel of the river at the north-west corner. The fort being at the eastern point of the island, with the channel for vessels, 'mounting upward 100 guns': 'this fort is a lasting monument of what the Portuguese were 300 years ago, and the inside in its present state a striking example of their modern indolence and inactivity. The guns are all pretty good, but the carnage of many of them [render them] unfit for service'. The fort however appearing suitable for protecting the place, 'if in good repair and well managed'. The island having additionally two small forts, one at the south-west and another on the south of the island. The 'Portuguese banyares [Banyeres were a prominent Spanish trading family] and others in trade' residing in one town, the other being 'inhabited by blacks and slaves, and called Black Town [Makuti Town, Mozambique]'

The first town built similarly to most Portuguese towns, with narrow streets and irregular houses without windows: 'merely openings in the wall with bars before them to admit light and air'. The inside or enamel of a shellfish, apparently a species of oyster (Osteria), being used for windows, practice believed to have been imported from India. The shell being light and tough, not admitting as much light as glass: 'it however answers the purpose very well', with squares measuring about four inches. The houses and many streets covered with white plaster, making them 'very unpleasant and uncomfortable, to say no more of them, in sunny weather, to the eyes'. The houses in the other town 'very wretched', built of sticks and mud with coconut leaves for thatch: 'no regularity is observed here, but just as if they had fallen from the clouds'. The Portuguese town having several churches, and a bishop 'under the pale of his brother at Goa [India]'. The palace, or the residence of the governor, being the best looking house in the town, with a church adjoining it, near the centre of the town on the north side, pointing towards the harbour and the pier. The population ('as near as we could form any idea') about 7,000 to 8,000 people, with perhaps 1,000 or 1,200 Europeans, 6,000 to 7,000 'free people of colour and slaves', and about 500 military personnel

'The variety of countenances and colour at Mozambique is very considerable. There is the Portuguese with black hair, of a dark brown colour, with all the intermediate varieties of Portuguese and African Arabs with black hair, heavy eyebrows and piercing black eyes, Africans of every tribe and nation on the east coast, easily known by their curled, short, woolly hair and thick lips, and Banyans[?], natives of India, copper-coloured skin, long straight black hair, feminine countenance and small black eyes. These last carry on the principle [principal] part of the trade both in slaves and merchandise, most of them keep shops or stores and sell their article retail. In trade they will cheat you if they can, and always ask twice as much as they will take'. The 'town island' of Mozambique being 'but indifferently supplied with water', depending on the amount of rain, each house provided with a cistern to collect and keep water, with several in the fort, supplying also water for the ships

(3 Feb 1823) Going on shore. Shooting a few birds. Collecting specimens of plants (specimens 1-14)

(4 Feb 1823) Being introduced, along with Mr Browne [Charles William Browne, lieutenant on HMS Leven], to the governor, Joa Manuel do Silva [Joao Manuel da Silva] by William Owen. Owen taking them to see the bishop to pay their respects to him. Dining with the governor in the afternoon

(5 Feb 1823) William Owen ordering a boat for Forbes to visit the north side of the harbour on the mainland. Collecting plants and seeds of 'several curious things'. The land very low with nothing but sand, covered with cocoa nut [coconut] trees: 'it seems as if the sea has flowed over it some time'. Most of the Portuguese houses being on this coast, but the people residing on the island in the hot season. The houses generally well built, with high walls around them, 'to secure them from the attack of man or beast'

Plantations located 'over here and up the banks of the river', with the land much better a little way into the interior of the country, with cultivations of cocoa nut [coconut] (Cocos nucifera), cashew nut (Anacardium occidentale), rice (Oryza sativa), plantain and banana (Musa paradisiaca and sapientum) [Musa sapientum] and pineapple (Bromelia ananas) [Ananas comosus] [here the journal includes a list of 6 more plants].Being unable to ascertain during their short stay what other plants were cultivated or growing wild, what qualities the plants had and how they were cultivated. Bird peppers and cyanne peppers (Soleen cacatum and capsicum) [pequin pepper and cayenne pepper, Capsicum annuum] also being grown and 'much used', and another species of Solanum, 'called here and in India bringall, it is nothing more than the eggplant (Solanum melongena) [brinjal or aubergine]', an excellent vegetable, cut into slices and fried, with a pleasant flavour, 'not very agreeable to the palate of most Europeans at first, but they generally get fond of it after eating it once or twice, and some like it even from the first'. The fruit having a 'sickly, naucious [nauseous] smell and taste, a greasy impleasant [unpleasant] feel in the fruit and leaves of the whole of the natural order to which this plant belongs, viz Solaneae of Mr Brown and Luriolae of Linn [Carl Linnaeus, Swedish botanist and zoologist]', this taste and smell making the fruits at first unpleasant: 'habit may reconcile us to them, and even make us fond of them'

The climate of Mozambique suitable for growing any tropical fruits and vegetables, 'if the soil were equal to it, and the possessors sufficiently industrious, neither of which is exactly the case, but the former is a trifling obstacle compared with the latter'. The soil not as strong as in Madagascar or Rio Janeiro [Rio de Janeiro], being 'a sharp and sandy loam', capable of being made productive: 'but while the slave trade is allowed to exist and money is to be obtained in a much easier way than by cultivating the land, nothing better can be expected. For the Portuguese who come out here have no other aim in view than to make as much money as possible, in as short a time as they can, & return to Brazil or Portugal to enjoy it'

Seeing several Adansonia digitata trees, one of them 'immense and stupendous', measuring it as 60 feet high, with the trunk about 12 feet in circumference two feet from the ground, and branches the size of large trees, growing almost horizontally, forming a large area of natural shade. Several smaller trees hanging full with large, oval, unripe capsules, used by the local people for making vessels for carrying water, 'many of them holding three or even four pints'. The farinaceous pulp being eaten, and the bark used to 'form boats, sufficient to carry eight or ten people'. The 'native name' of the tree being 'ballaapa'. Seeing numerous birds on the beach and in the marshy places on the riverbanks, including flamingos, storks, cranes and several species of the genus Scolopax. The woods being 'not less productive of the feathered part of creation' and easy to enter, not being very dense. The soil not very luxurious or mature, the diversity of the vegetation suffering from that, the lack of rain and the 'great heat, which extracts every particle of moisture from the surface'

(6 Feb 1823) Remaining on board the ship. Arranging specimens. Skinning birds. Changing specimen papers

(7 Feb 1823) Leaving the ship at 6am with Edward Johnes. Landing on the north side of the harbour. Collecting plants to 'improve and add' to the previous collection. Finding Gloriosa superba 'elegantly in flower' (specimen 36) and another 'splendid', beautiful Canna plant (specimen 27), with 'a flower fully as large as Canna flaccida, and nearly the same colour, but differs in many respects from that species'. The Canna resembling the Costus of Roscoe [William Roscoe, botanist] more than the Canna, but being unable to find one fitting its description in Roscoe's tables [?William Roscoe, 1807, 'A new arrangement of the plants of the monandrian class usually called Scitamineae']. The plant 'ought perhaps more properly to belong to Scitamineae & to the genus Costus', although with a distinct habit, having no stem: 'its petal-like filament, anther and stigma certainly place it in this beautiful family'. Shooting Merops (specimens 31-34, 44-45), several with a beautiful plumage

'The natives here are very fond of dancing, but it is in a very hideous manner. We saw today a man who (by the by) was not a native of this part exactly, but of the kingdom of Majunca [unidentified], some distance in the interior, who was dressed in thongs of the skins of wild animal, claws & feathers of birds, and the capsules of some plant filled with some small stones hung on his legs, which when he danced made a rattling noise together with the thongs flapping against his naked body. The beauty of their dancing seems to consist in the loudness of their noise made, and the hideous faces and the singular and ridiculous attitudes the performer puts himself into. This man used greater exertion in his performance than I have observed among the blacks on any useful occasion. The perspiration was trickling of [off] every part of his body, which is a rare occurrence, except when driven to it. He was attended to by a boy, who played on an instrument, if it may be so called, it was merely a bow and string. He also collected the donations for his master, which were chiefly beads or trinkets or small pieces of Portuguese copper, money called Raies'. The Barracouta sailing to continue surveying the coast towards the south

(8 Feb 1823) Arranging 'the different articles collected'. Preparing to sail the following morning

(9 Feb 1823) A contrary wind preventing sailing. Going on shore in the afternoon. Finding in a garden in Black Town [Makuti Town] a beautiful Epidendrum (specimen 2 of jar 2, case 21), growing on the end of a decaying pole. The weather cloudy, with the wind 'off the land' or from the north-east, stronger in the afternoon, with frequent showers, thunder and lightning, similar to each evening after sunset. Thermometer while in Mozambique showing 83°15', with the high of 85 and low of 82°30', the barometer showing 29.92, with a high of 30 and low of 29.88

(10 Feb 1823) Weighing anchor and sailing at 8am. Surveying the coast towards the south-east. The coast generally low with sand hills partially covered with shrubs near the coast

(12 Feb 1823) Reaching Mafamale [Ilha de Mafamede, Mozambique]. This small island being one of a chain or a group of islands lying along the coast from latitude 16°S to 17.5°S, including the Angoxa group [Angoche Island, Mozambique], several small, low, sandy islands off the mouth of a river by the same name. Mafamale being the most northerly, located at latitude 16°25'00''S and longitude 39°46'43''E, about a quarter of a mile long and about 200 yards at its broadest part, of an irregular triangular shape, surrounded by coral reefs except on the north-west side, where the ship landed. The reefs extending for two and a half miles under the sea from the southernmost point towards the south-east and a mile from the northernmost point, with the longest part being from the south-east to the north-west. The origin or base of the island seemingly coral, now raised above the water by 10 or 12 feet, with broken particles of shells washed on to the sand by the tides and currents. The island being covered with trees of Casuarina africana [Casuarina equisetifolia], 'which seem to be quite in their element', growing up to 50 feet high and perfectly straight: 'they have a very graceful appearance and at a distance look like a group of fir trees'. The surface of the island 'run over' with the Convolvulus maritimus [Calystegia soldanella] ('equally fond of this kind of earth'). Finding a 'very elegant' plant (specimen 1), with a corymb of scarlet flowers. Finding bulbous plants of the natural order Asphodelae [Asphodelaceae] 'in great abundance'

Many beautiful shells and elegant specimens of coral to collect, 'if time and circumstances would permit', 'as also turtle, by sending a party on shore at night to catch them when they land to deposit their eggs'. Seeing a turtle in the water from the ship and seeing the remains of several on shore, 'probably brought here or rather caught by the Arabs, who come here occasionally to pay their devotions to a tomb situated in the centre of the island with an Arabic inscription on it. They are the coast traders, who come to Angoche Island [Mozambique] for trade. This tomb or grave is merely two or rather three headstones that have had a shade of palm leaves built over them, but this shade was blown down at the time we visited the island'

(13 Feb 1823) Continuing along the coast, surveying the islands of Angoxa [Angoche]. The coast low, sandy and barren. Seeing a vessel ahead, finding it afterwards to be the Barracouta. A heavy squall at 2pm. Anchoring and furling the sails. A heavy thunder storm with torrents of rain. Squalls seemingly very common in the monsoon period. Coming in sight of the Island of Raza or Level Island [Ilha Epidendro, Mozambique], with a sand-bank nearby

(14 Feb 1823) At dawn, William Owen ordering a boat for Forbes to be sent to the Island of Raza [Ilha Epidendro] to examine it and collect plants. Landing soon after 6am. The island different in its origin and vegetation to Ilha Mafimale [Ilha de Mafamede], seemingly with 'primitive rocks of granite for its foundation', and four times as large. The soil similar, but with more varied and dense vegetation, 'so much so as to be quite impenetrable'. Finding an Epidendrum ('splendid and elegant') (specimen 1 of jar 2, case 2) growing on the trunk and branches of decaying trees, 'forming a beautiful umbel of large, magnificent, white flowers'. Finding the plant both with its roots in the earth and on the trees, but only flowering on the trees. Seeing no traces of inhabitation, except some temporary huts, seemingly built by occasional visitors 'to procure turtle'. A coral reef extending for two or three miles out to sea. Landing on the south-west side, with three and four fathoms of water for a quarter of a mile, with coral bottom and a steep beach and occasional heavy surf. Anchoring by the Barracouta in the afternoon. Alexander Vidal coming on board the Leven to compare notes 'previous to our leaving the coast for the Europa Rocks [Europa Island]'

(15 Feb 1823) Weighing anchor at dawn. Sailing towards the Europa Rocks [Europa Island]. Encountering several light squalls. Seeing several land birds around the ship towards the evening, including swallows, bee-eaters and flycatchers, occasionally perching on the rigging. Catching several bats, 'not only today but a day or two previous, and after this date', apparently a variety of Vespertilio cephalotes [Nyctimene cephalotes]

(16 Feb 1823) Seeing several land birds and bats around the ship. Seeing some sea birds, including boobies (Pelicanus fiber) [?Sula leucogaster], a rare occurrence: 'a vessel may sail for days together and not observe one, so different is it to the sea between the continent of Africa and America in the same parallel of latitude, where almost hundreds of birds are to be seen at any time from the ship'. Seeing small particles floating on the surface of the water, appearing from a distance like froth caused by the currents: 'on taking some of it up in a bucket, it proved to be animalculae [microscopic animals], or more properly animalculae in embryo', consisting of small particles 'of a spear-like shape, composed of fine thready fibres, irregularly cut at the thick end, about 1/10 of an inch long & half a line in circumference, the slightest touch crushed it into a consistency like blue grease'. Sailing through it for several days

(17 Feb 1823) Coming in sight of Europa Rocks [Europa Island] at 9am, their appearance 'most awful and frightful'. The rocks being six or seven miles in south-easterly and north-westerly direction [annotated above the line: 'some say 13 or 14 miles in this direction'], barely rising above the water, with a 'tremendous heavy break continually rolling over them'. The island appearing from the masthead like a basin surrounded by a reef or chain of coral rocks, with the water inside the basin smooth and green, forming a striking contrast to the white foaming breakers surrounding it. Presumably many vessels having been wrecked 'on this dreadful spot', with 'nothing but inevitable destruction' awaiting any unfortunates stranded on the 'frightful reef, and death the only hope of the crew, either protracted by a miserable existence or to punish on the spot'. The distance to the nearest land making it unlikely to be reachable by [rowing] boat. Latitude 21°28'30''S, longitude 39°39'S, 19 miles west from that of Captain Huddert [Joseph Huddart, British hydrographer, who wrote 'The Oriental Navigator, Or, New Directions for Sailing to and from the East Indies', 1801]

(18 Feb 1823) Seeing the island known as Bassas do Judea or the Shoal of the Jewess by the Portuguese, or Bassas de India by the English ('a mere corruption of the Portuguese word Judea into India') [Baixo da Judia or Bassas da India, French Southern and Antarctic Lands]. The island being six or seven miles in length and breadth, with a reef extending out from the north-eastern end. The island covered with shrubs and some trees, with three or four hummocks, the highest about 40 or 50 feet above sea level, and a white sandy beach around it. Seeing more sea birds than on the whole passage around Madagascar, mainly boobies (Pelecanus fiber) [?Sula leucogaster], 'frigate birds of the lesser species (Pelecanus minor?) [great frigatebird, Fregata minor]', Phaethon aethereus, 'the tropic bird' and some species of fern (Sterna). Shooting several birds, 'but falling over board we could not obtain them, except one frigate bird'. William Owen having been informed by a whale ship that the island had plenty of turtles on it: 'no doubt it would be a fine field for the conchologist, as well as the botanist'. The earth seemingly sandy, and Forbes regretting not being able to land on the island to examine it for its interesting geographical location. Seeing the remains of a vessel wrecked, lying above the high tide. The island uninhabited. Latitude 22°16'08''S, longitude between 40°22'00''E and 40°14'E of Greenwich, or from 17° to 25°W of Mozambique

(20 Feb 1823) Anchoring at sunset off the largest of the Bazaroota Islands [Bazaruto Island, Mozambique] on the east coast of Africa. From the anchorage on the north-eastern side, the island appearing to be a high ridge or sand hills with very few scattered shrubs. The land likely to be more fertile than it seemed. Numerous inhabitants, and 'a pearl fishery here carried on by the natives, who trade with the Portuguese from Inhamban [Inhambane, Mozambique] by land. They are shy of ships, it having formerly been the practice to kidnap them'. William Owen commencing the survey of the coast, low with a ridge of low sand hills parallel with the coast

(25 Feb 1823) Off Cape Corrientes or Current Cape [Cape Correntes, Mozambique], named after the 'great current that is said to set round it to the south & westward the greater part of the year' [Mozambique Current]. Avoiding the current here, with stronger currents southward of the coast of Natal [KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa] and the Cape of Good Hope, as well as at the other end of the Mozambique Channel around the Comora Islands [Comoro Islands], where currents flowed at the rate of two and a half or three miles an hour. Finding the currents at Cape Correntes only one mile per hour, or none at all. The land much higher than further north, presenting a bluff front to the sea with hills 500-600 feet high

Continuing to survey until 28 Feb, reaching near the entrance of Delagoa Bay [Maputo Bay]: 'there is nothing particularly striking or interesting in this coast, but the same barren sand hills', partially covered with shrubs, the land in some places barren, in others more fertile. Seeing 'huts & some natives'. Passing the mouths of several rivers, Inhampura or Gold River [Limpopo River, Mozambique], 'two others not named, or Lake River of the Portuguese & Rio Lagoa'. Inhampura appearing of 'considerable magnitude', with the water from it retaining its red soil colour in the rainy season. 'The River Zavara has no existence. The Inhampura is marked as having two mouths and was called by the Portuguese Rio D'Ouro or Gold River, & the Maneessae or King George River [Komati River, Mozambique, South Africa and Swaziland], was called by them Rio d'Prata or Silver River, and between Cape Correntes and the latter there are only two rivers flowing into the sea, whether from the same source or not, we cannot decide'. The 'River Lagoa' being marked in the charts as a lake opening to the sea. Seeing many turtles all along the coast

(28 Feb 1823) Having surveyed the coast to the north-east entrance of Delagoa Bay [Maputo Bay], steering off the coast southward to clear the bar formed by the Meneice or King George's River [Komati River], that part of the bay being very shallow with heavy breakers over the bar. A cloudy day with squalls. Crossing the bar, with St Mary's Island [Ilha da Inhaca, Mozambique] 'and other marks' in sight. Anchoring at 5pm in the bay, seven miles from Shefean Island [Ilhas Xefina, Mozambique]

(1 Mar 1823) Weighing anchor at 5am. Sailing to the anchorage in English River [Estuario do Espirito Santo]. Sailing around Reuben Point [Ponta Vermelha, Mozambique], seeing three vessels at anchor, two small coasters and the tender Cockburn, which had been left behind to survey the Mapoota River [Maputo River, South Africa, Swaziland and Mozambique] and Delagoa Bay [Maputo Bay]: 'everyone was anxious to hear the fate of the people left in her'

Receiving no response to a signal made to send a boat. Sending a boat to the Cockburn, it returning 'with the melancholy information that they were all either dead or sick, and unable to answer the signal in either one shape or other'. The officer in the boat finding the ship in charge of a junior midshipman, sick in bed with another sick man, the other survivors, Lieutenant Owen [Richard Owen, lieutenant on HMS Leven and commander of the Cockburn] and Mr Henderson [Benjamin Henderson, midshipman on HMS Leven] being on shore, 'the latter of these gentlemen very dangerous & who died a few days after'. Three sick men on shore, Lieutenant Antonio Pedro Texeira [Antonio Pedro Texeira, Portuguese governor at Lourenco Marques, the Portuguese fort] having taken the officers and the supercargo [a person employed on board a vessel by the owner of cargo carried on the ship] off one of the other vessels into his own house, providing the patients 'with as comfortable a room as the place afforded'. Of the six officers on the Cockburn, only two remaining. The assistant surgeon [John Buchannan, assistant surgeon on HMS Barracouta] having died first at the Maputo River, then the three midshipmen, Mr Hood [George Hood, midshipman on HMS Barracouta] ('a young man of very good abilities, and left here to assist Lieutenant Owen [Richard Owen] in the surveying department'), Mr Joice [Joyce, midshipman on HMS Barracouta] and Henderson. Two men having died before going up the river, one of fever. Up the river, seven men falling ill within a day, including the surgeon, Mr Conolly [Thomas Connolly, assistant surgeon on HMS Leven]. Reaching Maputo Bay, the majority of the staff incapable of performing their duty: 'consequently Lieutenant Owen [Richard Owen] could not go to sea according to the orders left him by Captain Owen [William Owen] on the first appearance of fever', having therefore to wait for the arrival of the Leven. The Cockburn did not go up the river until early January, previous to which they had only one case of fever: 'it is only by being on shore at night, or in boats confined by the banks of a narrow river, that the infection is caught'. The other two vessels being in a similar state to the Cockburn, having both been up the Maputo River trading for ivory and rhinoceros' horns

Going on shore in the afternoon. Collecting several plants, not in flower or fruit when previously anchored in the same location: 'indeed the vegetation had altogether a much more rich and luxuriant appearance than it had when we left this in November last'. The land now covered with Indian corn [flint corn], millet grass and sweet potatoes. Low land previously dry now swampy and planted with rice. Trees previously without leaf now covered with rich foliage, with hardly a day having passed without rain in the past months. Bringing the sick men on shore on board the Leven in the evening after the heat of the day had passed

(2 Mar 1823) William Owen being informed that the Portuguese had placed soldiers on board one of the vessels ('she being English'), and taken all the ivory and the rest of the cargo, as well as documents, on shore to the fort. Owen going on shore to demand restitution, and to order everything to be returned on board the ship in the same order within 24 hours and the guard removed. Informing them that 'if this conduct was repeated while he remained on this coast, it would most assuredly bring that down that justice, which such mercenary proceedings so richly merit from an insulted British flag'. The Portuguese governor complying, 'although at the time he attempted to make several excuses, and to exonerate himself by saying he did it to prevent the blacks from stealing it, but why take the articles on shore to guard them, could he not have protected them as well and let them remain on board?'. The governor saying that he had acted on instructions from the governor of Mozambique. 'That similar proceedings have been adopted by the Portuguese and permitted by the other European powers at the different parts along this coast is well known, but by what authority or right is a question not easy answered'

The only places on the coast 'that actually belong to the Portuguese' being the Island of Mozambique and the captaincy [administrative division of Spanish and Portuguese colonies] of Rios de Senna [Portuguese colony with the approximate borders of the Sofala province, Mozambique]: 'the other ports at which they have forts for the protection of their factories and the better command of the trade, do not any of them belong to them, and are only held by sufferance from the native kings or chiefs to whom they pay an annual tribute'. The Portuguese placing soldiers on board landing vessels to prevent them from trading with the local people, 'in order that they may more effectually usurp the commerce to themselves, or at least become the channel through which every article of traffic must pass'

[Here the journal includes a loose slip of paper, perhaps part of a letter: 'I have sent you […] of our Society […] to use [...]']

The Portuguese having settlements or residents in different locations between latitudes 12° and 26°S, the Querimba Isles [Quirimbas Islands] being their northernmost settlement and Delagoa Bay [Maputo Bay] their limit to the south, with Inhamban [Inhambane], Sofala [Mozambique], Quilimane [Quelimane, Mozambique], Mozambique [Island of Mozambique] and Oiba [Ibo] in between being controlled by them. The trade on the coast 'does not seem to be either of great extent or much importance to any nation under present circumstances', with the kingdom of Portugal benefiting little: 'it seems to be held by her more for the sake of increasing her patronage, and enabling her to find places and the means of enriching a few individuals, than for any benefit the nation at large derives from these possessions or this commerce'. The governor of Mozambique being the only one appointed directly from Portugal, with the rest being nominated by him and being paid by him, the pay depending on trade and wealth being amassed by the individuals, including in 'the most paltry and degrading means'. The 'most extensive and profitable branch of trade carried on this coast is in slaves': 'wherever this abominable traffic is tolerated, the wealth of not only the nation which carries it on, but the kingdom or kingdoms from which these slaves are obtained, must be lessened and ultimately destroyed'

Legislation being planned ('to the honor of British legislation be it said'), according to which 'Portugal will not be permitted to carry on this monstrous dealing in human flesh, and the poor African will no longer be encouraged to make war with his brother to make him a prisoner and by selling his person to obtain for himself a few false riches, and to satisfy the avarice of greedy Europeans, but to direct his attention to the more substantial sources of wealth, peace, agriculture and commerce [Portugal was forced to pass a decree in 1836 abolishing slave trading, although the practice continued throughout the century]'

(3 Mar 1823) Going to Lake Moonyeena [unidentified], much larger than on their previous visit in November. The fence with hippopotamus traps washed away, with all nearby flat land covered with water and the rushes and reeds 'as high as a man's head, when at that time the herbage would not have reached to the knees'. Seeing numerous birds, but due to the increased size of the lake, many shot birds falling in the water, guarded by the 'numerous and bold' hippopotamuses: 'we durst not venture in for them, no more than the natives we had along with us'. Shooting a male and a female Parra [Jacana] (specimens 53-55), flying around the lakes in flocks, making a 'creaking noise' and darting down to catch small fish, building their nests on the small islands or rush hillocks, making them difficult to reach. The parras wading in the rushes and reeds in water five or six feet deep, their claws holding onto the stalks

Visiting the garden of Antonio Pedro Texeira, having during the previous visit planted in his garden loquat and orange trees from the Cape [Cape of Good Hope] 'at considerable expense & trouble, and to our great mortification found them all dug up and destroyed', with rice planted instead: 'this is a true specimen of the indolence and utter indifference of the Portuguese'. Believing Texeira, 'although one of the most active Portuguese here', had not visited the garden, a couple of hundred yards away, 'nor been so far from his own house'. About half of the vine cuttings planted in the governor's garden remaining alive, with the new governor, Miguel Lupe de Gardenas [Miguel Lupe de Cardinas] ('a young man, a native of Mozambique'), having paid 'some attention' to them

Passing a hut, seeing a woman taking the skins off a fruit called mackaanee [?mobola plum], throwing the pulp and nut into water: 'upon enquiry we found that they make a pleasant drink', steeped in water for a couple of days, ground in a mortar, then a little millet grass flour added to thicken it: 'it has then an agreeable, rough acid taste, and no doubt is very nutritive'. Most of the fruit eaten when fresh and ripe, with the fresh fruit having 'a very pleasant melting juicy pulp', with 'almost anyone' being fond of it straight away. The pulp coming off easily: 'sucking is very nice', but sucking too close to the stone was 'clammy and unpleasant'. The stone large in proportion to the fruit, an irregular shape containing the seeds with a pleasant, oily flavour resembling walnut. The ripe fruit being about the size of a walnut, pale yellow, with a thick and tough skin, keeping fresh only a day or two. The tree 30 or 40 feet high, with pinnated leaves and the fruit produced 'at the end of last year's, or last season's wood'

Another fruit eaten by the locals being about the size of a medlar, similarly inedible until it began to decay on the tree, of a 'dull brown, russety colour' with a thin skin, containing three to five kidney-shaped stones or seeds, embedded in a sharp acid pulp 'of an agreeable flavour'. The tree seldom more than 12 feet high, with 'opposite, ovate, pilose leaves': 'the natives are very fond of this fruit, they call it maffeelie [?African medlar]'. Preserving specimens of both fruits (specimens 3 and 5 in jar 2, case 21). Specimens of the latter also collected the previous year. Finding watermelon ('of an excellent quality') and pineapple ('would have been very good, had they been allowed to remain long enough on the plants, but the natives, too eager to turn them into beads[?], gathered them before they were half ripe'). Finding 'small leguminous plants' and several plants of the order Graminae

(4 Mar 1823) Changing specimen papers. Going on shore to collect more plants: 'we now durst [not] venture to any distance within our compass, without the fear of being molested by the Hollontontos', now settled at Mamalungoo [?Maputo Bay, Mozambique] by Meneice or King George's River [Komati River]: 'this tribe that have overrun the kingdom of Temby [Tembe], and are the dread of these poor natives, are an outcast tribe, rebels to their own country'. Most of the elephant ivory and rhinoceros' horns obtained by the Portuguese and other traders originating from these peoples. 'This nation differ greatly in their diet from those near Delagoa Bay [Maputo Bay], who subsist chiefly on vegetable food, while these people prefer animal meat, for which reason they attack and kill great numbers of these animals, as well as any other for the skins, which they dry with the fur on and then lay these one upon another until they form a soft bed on which they sleep'. The people trading ivory for 'white & grey beads, and some little madras check or blue dungaree for the use of their women, but the men prefer skins for covering', and keeping cattle as well as hunting

(5 Mar 1823) Landing on the Temby side of the river [Tembe, Mozambique]. Going four or five miles into the country, observing the land and its cultivation. The land very sandy, with little or no loam in it, with much of it cultivated with Indian corn [flint corn], millet grass, sweet potatoes and rice. Finding two 'splendid' ferns (specimens 31 and 32). Seeing Nymphae caerulea in blossom in a lake. This side of the lake similar to the other side, but more densely populated and cultivated. A great quantity of water in the rainy season coming from the rivers Temby [Tembe River, Mozambique], Dundass [Mbuluzi River, Mozambique] and Mataul [Matola River, Mozambique], with the water at the anchorage at three quarters ebb tide being so fresh as to be drinkable: 'indeed it tasted very little salt', although the previous October Tembe had been salty 30 miles up the river

(6 Mar 1823) Staying on board the ship in the morning. In the afternoon, going on shore with William Owen, William Mudge 'and a party' to visit Slangelly, 'prince of Temby [Tembe, Mozambique] & sovereign of the northern district of King Kapell's dominions'

(7 Mar 1823) Going on shore in the afternoon. Collecting several shrub specimens and some seeds. Shooting a few birds

(8 Mar 1823) Leaving the ship at dawn with William Mudge and 'a company of marines and a brass howitzer'. Landing on the Temby side on Point Mahoni [Tembe, Mozambique]: 'hoisted the English flag, with a discharge of musketry and a royal salute of 21 guns, amid the shouts of the natives'. William Owen having been 'induced to take this step for two reasons': because of the threats by the Portuguese governor of placing their flag on the location, and 'at the request & salutation of Mayetta, King Kapell [Mayeta, king of Tembe], Slangelly, prince of this part of his dominions, and the different chiefs wishing to put themselves under the protection of the British, to guard them from the tyranny of the Portuguese or any other power'

(9 Mar 1823) Changing specimen papers. Going on shore. Collecting several seeds and plants

(10 Mar 1823) Another flag staff being sent to the Temby [Tembe, Mozambique] side to be erected and 'placed in such a situation that it may be a mark for vessels coming into English River [Estuario do Espirito Santo]', being put up by William Mudge nearly opposite the Portuguese fort: 'the one on which the flag was first hoisted, and [by which] formal possession of these kingdoms taken in the name of the King of England, George the Fourth, is on Point Mahoni', a few miles lower down towards the east. Point Mahoni and Point Reuben [Ponta Vermelha] being the two opposite points of high land forming the entrance of Temby River [Tembe River] into Delagoa Bay [Maputo Bay]: 'Point Reuben is a fine, elevated situation, and a fort on it would have fine command of the entrance to the river'. The Portuguese fort being situated at the lowest and 'most unhealthy' location in the vicinity of the bay, surrounded by 'a stinking marsh', covered with water in high tide, with a swamp and a marsh on the Temby side, affecting the atmosphere. William Owen suggesting Point Reuben to the governor as a more suitable location, with an order being sent to build a new fort and transfer the soldiers to the new, more open and airy location

(11 Mar 1823) William Owen drawing out 'the principles on which King Kapell was to cede over his dominions to the King of Great Britain, with some general rules for the future government and understanding between the two nations'. Owen asking Forbes to accompany William Mudge to the residence of Mayeta to obtain his signature. Leaving the ship at dawn. Landing near Mahone Point [Tembe, Mozambique], 'with some presents for the king'. Going to Slangelly's house, and being joined by him, his secretaries and 'numbers of the natives'. Setting off south-west into the country. The road very sandy and difficult to walk on for about six miles

Reaching a marsh or a river in which the Egyptian paper plant (Cyperus papyrus) [papyrus sedge] was growing. Passing through the marsh, 'which was effected with considerable difficulty on the backs of the natives, who were obliged to unite the strength of two or three to carry one of us over, and even then we were in danger of falling every step. What makes it so very bad is that the feet never touch the bottom, but walk on the roots of this plant that grows horizontally under the surface of the water'. Mudge being less fortunate than Forbes, 'for by trusting to the strength of one man, who let him fall into the water, he was obliged to scramble through it himself'. The marsh nearly half a mile broad. 'The whole of our journey we had little variety, we were either up to our knees in water, or up [to] our ankles in hot dry sand'. The country level, with little variety in soil or vegetation. In general, the soil more sandy than on the north side of Temby River [Tembe River]. Passing through several marshes and by some lakes

Arriving at noon at the house of the king, about 16 miles away. Instead of an antechamber, being seated on a mat under a tree, waiting to be announced to the king. The king receiving them, dressed 'in an old blanket. He bowed to us in the best manner he was able, and through the interpreter Shamaguava, enquired if we were 'very well', and said he was very glad to see us'. The king being informed of the reason for their visit. Being invited to walk to the house. Delivering the presents to the king, consisting of 'a captain's full dress coat, except epaulettes, & gold-laced cocked hat, a pair of pantaloons & shirt, which were put onto him, about 10 or 12 yards of coarse red flannel, a few pounds of tobacco and some spirits, a ship's musquet [musket] & some ammunition, with all of which he seemed highly pleased'. The king, dressed in his new uniform, walking in procession back under the tree, where one of his secretaries addressed him with a five-minute speech, 'the purport of which we afterwards learnt to be a congratulation on the acquirement of the presents we had given him, and informing him that he was now become so great a king that if the Vatways or any other enemy should again attack them, he should summon the assistance of his dependent kings and their subjects, and drive them out of his dominions, and not leave them to plunder his territories and carry away his cattle, as they had done on former occasions'. The king being addressed in a similar manner by Shamaguava, their interpreter ('certainly one of the most useful of his subjects, and one by whose exertions he owed his acquaintance with and the protection of the British'. Shamaguava taking the opportunity to remind the king 'of the obligation he was under to him', and that Mayeta had not presented him with a bullock since his accession to the throne, as his grandfather, the late king, had the habit of doing. The king briefly responding to the speeches and retiring to the house

Commencing to read the clauses of the 'articles of cession'. Everyone but Prince Slangelly and Mayeta's secretaries being ordered out of the house: 'it was no easy task to explain the meaning of every article, even to the interpreter, whose English was not sufficient to understand without a great deal of trouble what was meant by each clause & article, how much more difficult then must it be to convey them through such a medium to the understanding of a second, who did not understand one word of English'. After around one and a half hours of 'hard labour' in a room about 12 feet in diameter, with about 20 people in, 'we made them understand, if not exactly the particulars of each sentence, at least the general purport and meaning of them, and that nothing dishonourable was intended on our part, but that such an agreement was necessary between the parties, and that their interest had been consulted as much as ours'. The articles signed by the king and two secretaries, Captain Fannick [also known as Capenfinick or Faneghy] and [second name left blank], 'by guiding their hands'

After roast fowl offered by the king, setting off to return to the ship. The day 'excessive hot'. Being tired, with Mudge 'quite exhausted by heat and fatigue', being uncertain whether he would be able to walk back. Walking at a moderate pace and stopping to rest on the way, reaching the beach about 8.30pm. Returning by a different route, and instead of crossing the papyrus marsh in one place, having to cross it in two places. The second time, Forbes falling in the marsh. 'We could not help envying the nakedness of our companions on this occasion, and the indifference with which they met every kind of road', retaining their composure as they plunged into water, 'fearless of injuring the simple garb of nature in which alone they were clad'

King Mayeta, having intended to accompany them to the ship to visit Owen, but having recently recovered from a 'fit of sickness' he 'thought it imprudent to travel in the heat of the day'. 'In person he is genteel for a black, of a deep, tawny colour, six feet high & 23 or 24 years of age at present. He looks rather emaciated with illness'. Slangelly being a year or a year and a half younger, not as tall, 'darker in colour & exceedingly well shaped, a fine model for a sculptor'. 'By these simple means' the Kingdom of Temby [Tembe, Mozambique] and its dependencies were ceded to the king of England. Temby comprising about 15,000 inhabitants, Mapoota [Maputo, Mozambique] a similar number and Inyack [Inhaca Island] and Panyelly [unidentified] together 'perhaps as many. These three last are a sort of feudal tenure under Temby'. The Barracouta arriving at the river, the bar having 'such a heavy sea with little or no wind that she broke two anchors'

(12 Mar 1823) Remaining on board the ship. Arranging 'the few' specimens collected the previous day. Changing specimen papers. Both Forbes and William Mudge feeling unwell from the long and difficult journey the previous day

(13 Mar 1823) The Barracouta having obtained water ('the only thing she wanted here'), and William Owen being anxious to proceed to the Cape [Cape of Good Hope], 'in consequence of the weakened and sickly state of his ships' company, having had to man the two merchant vessels as well as the Cockburn out of his own already very much reduced crew'. Attempting to get the anchor up, but 'the buoy rope getting foul', so being prevented from sailing until the following morning. In the afternoon, accompanying Owen and Alexander Vidal to visit Slangelly and Mayeta. Taking some mango seeds with them, brought from Madagascar. Planting them 'in a favourable situation', hoping that they would fare better than the loquat plants given to the Portuguese

(14 Mar 1823) Weighing anchor at dawn. Sailing down to Shefean Island [Ilhas Xefina] to 'take in wood', the three small vessels having been there for two days. The Barracouta following immediately behind. Going on shore in the first boat. Finding several plants and the fruit mumpcheese [unidentified] (specimen 4, jar 2, case 21). Going on board the Barracouta, the Leven's boat having sailed while Forbes was in the woods

(15 Mar 1823) Leaving the Barracouta at dawn with Alexander Vidal and Edward Durnford, who were going to Shefean [Ilhas Xefina] to finish surveying it. Landing on the west coast of the island. Durnford walking southwards from that point, Vidal sailing northwards. Forbes landing with Durnford, making 'several excursions' across the island, only half a mile broad at its widest part and about five miles long. The island thickly covered with wood, flooding at high tide in many places

[Here the journal ends mid-sentence, and continues in the next volume, RHS/Col/3/1/7]

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RHS archive: plant collector papers

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